A Framework for Understanding Poverty (19 page)

"Among other things, family factors have implications for childhood poverty, welfare dependency, injury, illness, premature death, adolescent childbearing, developmental and mental health disorders in children, delinquency and violent behavior in young adults, alcoholism and substance abuse. Cause and effect relationships underlying these associations have not always been clearly established, but there is certainly enough evidence to warrant public policy focus on family factors."

"In the last several years, public unease about the state of American children has burgeoned along with anxieties about the family, and for closely related reasons. However, the `children's problem' is really several different problems, involving different processes and distinct portions of the youth population. The first and probably most serious of these dilemmas is that of childhood poverty, or `children at risk.' The concern here is that a substantial minority of today's young people are being raised in disadvantaged circumstances that seriously impede their chances of growing into healthy, responsible, productive members of adult society."

Zill, Nicholaus. "The Changing Realities of Family Life." Aspen Institute Quarterly. Winter 1993. Volume 5. Number 1. pp. 29-30.

Ibid.

Ibid. P. 32.

Ibid. P. 35.

Ibid.

Ibid.

In the section on Recent Trends in Poverty, Zill writes, "Childhood poverty is also more common in families lacking full-time, year-round workers; in families in which parents have low achievement test scores and education levels; in young families; and in minority families. Studies indicate that the increase in child poverty is due to both the growth of single-parent families and the deteriorating earning power of young parents, especially those with limited educations."

"Economic conditions have changed such that, in order to ensure a decent standard of living and avoid poverty, a child needs to have both parents working. Yet, because of increases in divorce and unmarried childbearing, and a decline in the propensity of single mothers to marry or remarry, fewer young children are living with both parents in married-couple families. Moreover, payment of child support is typically minimal and irregular. Indeed, fewer poor children have even one parent working. Hence, today's young children in poverty are more likely to be persistently poor. In addition, more poor children, especially those in central cities, are living in high-poverty neighborhoods where the risks to their development are particularly severe."

"But few doubt that children in low-income families are in developmental jeopardy because of the conditions that often accompany or foster poverty, such as low parent education levels, family, disorganization, limited opportunities, rundown housing, bad schools and hazardous neighborhood conditions."

"The U.S. economy has changed in ways that make it hard for young families to `play by the rules' and do well. Technological developments, the globalization of the U.S. economy and changes in the distribution of income and assets have made it harder for young families, especially those in which the parents have only a high school education or less, to work and earn enough to support themselves and their children. The growth of child poverty has not been due simply to the increase in female-headed households-even that trend is partly attributable to the changing earning prospects of young males, especially African-American and Hispanic males."

Ibid. P. 38.

Ibid. P. 37.

Ibid.

The author makes several points "that contradict the preconceived notions of many liberal child advocates." One of these is: "Many problems of today's children do stem from detrimental behavior patterns, either those of parents or of young people themselves. Liberals should acknowledge the truth of the conservative contention that many problems of today's children and families have their roots in detrimental behavior patterns, rather than in a lack of opportunity or a lack of resources."

Chapter One: Definitions and Resources

Without literacy skills, a child will probably be unable to break out of the "intergenerational cycles of poverty."

In Susan Mayer's book, What Money Can't Buy, she asks the question: "[H]ow important is money in enabling families to help their children escape poverty?" It doesn't matter much.

In another study, Mayer and Christopher Jencks of Harvard note that poor children's "material well being" improved, but this didn't result in improved social conditions.

A character in a scenario views poverty "as depriving men of the capacity to act rationally, to exercise self- control"-educated people are thought to be able to do this.

Lewis, Anne C. "Breaking the Cycle of Poverty." Phi Delta Kappan. November 1996. Volume 78. Number 3. p. 186.

Samuelson, Robert J. "The Culture of Poverty." Newsweek. May 5, 1997. Volume 129. Number 18. p. 49.

Ibid.

Sennett, Richard, and Cobb, Jonathan. The Hidden Injuries of Class. London/Boston: Faber and Faber, 1993. First published in U.S.A. in 1972 by Alfred A. Knopf, New York, NY. P. 22.

Ibid. P. 48.

Ibid. P. 49.

Ibid. P. 30.

Knowledge gained through formal education provides "the tools for achieving freedom--by permitting [men] to control situations and by furnishing [them] with access to a greater set of roles in life."

The extended family:

Provides the basis for interdependent relationships with regard to (1) calling upon relatives in times of financial or marital difficulties; (2) child-rearing duties; and (3) economic discussions, such as buying a house.

"[I]s a defense that has sheltered both black and white poor in cities."

While helpful, it can also be binding-"others are always in one's personal affairs."

"The 'parental-stress' theory holds that poverty is stressful and that stress diminishes parents' ability to provide appropriate and effective parenting. The `role model' theory holds that because of their position at the bottom of the social hierarchy, low-income parents develop values, norms, and behaviors that cause them to be `bad' role models for their children."

Ibid. pp. 106-107.

One controversial version of the role-model hypothesis contends that income transfers won't change "values and behavior" of "those enmeshed in a 'culture of poverty."'

Child poverty rate in 199o was 19.9% (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1993, tables 736 and 739).

Ibid. P. 39.

Money buys goods, services, and experiences.

"Parental income is not as important to children's outcomes as some social scientists have thought. This is because the parental characteristics that employers value and are willing to pay for, such as skills, diligence, honesty, good health, and reliability, also improve children's life chances, independent of their effect on parents' income."

Ibid. pp. 2-3.

When a family experiences "short-term poverty," it is rare that family members change their values.

Ibid. pp. 7-8.

Ibid. p. 98.

Ibid. P. 52.

Mayer, Susan E. What Money Can't Buy. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997. P. 7.

Income affects children's well-being. Income allows parents to provide safer home environments; better schools, parks, libraries; higher education; good health care; and other things that benefit the health and development of the children.

"A promising line of research has begun to link poverty to the emotional well-being of children" (McLeod and Shanahan, 1993). "Elder et al. (1992) have shown that economic loss is associated with shifts in parenting practices, with negative consequences for the emotional well-being of children. Family stress and the lack of learning resources that are associated with poverty probably dampen the likelihood of high school completion."

"Specifically, characteristics of neighborhoods and schools are likely to influence the educational progress of children" (Snow et al., 1991; Wilson, 1987). "The choices families make concerning neighborhoods and schools affect the social environment within which children interact outside the home. These patterns of social interaction are likely to structure the opportunities and constraints perceived by adolescents as they make decisions about the relevance of continued education" (Crane, 1991; Mayer, 1991c; Mayer & Jencks, 1989).

"According to Becker (1981), families allocate resources between current consumption and investments in children's human capital. Poor parents will need most of their resources for economic survival and will have little time, money, and energy left over to invest in children's human capital."

Brooks-Gunn, Jeanne, Duncan, Greg J., and Maritato, Nancy. Poor Families, Poor Outcomes: The Well-being of Children and Youth. Duncan, Greg J., and BrooksGunn, Jeanne, Editors. Consequences of Growing Up Poor. New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation, 1997. P. 14.

Haveman, Robert, Wolfe, Barbara, and Wilson, Kathryn. Childhood Poverty and Adolescent Schooling and Fertility Outcomes: Reduced-form and Structural Estimates. Duncan, Greg J., and Brooks-Gunn, Jeanne, Editors. Consequences of Growing Up Poor. New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation, 1997. P. 415.

Ibid.

Corcoran, Mary, and Adams, Terry. Race, Sex, and the Intergenerational Transmission of Poverty. Duncan, Greg J., and Brooks-Gunn, Jeanne, Editors. Consequences of Growing Up Poor. New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation, 1997. P. 462.

"Poor parents may be less able to afford housing in `good' neighborhoods (i.e., safe neighborhoods with high-quality schools and good role models) and may be less connected to job networks than all nonpoor parents" (Loury, 1981; Coleman, 199o).

"Loury (1981), Massey (1991), and Wilson (1987,1991a, 199th, 1993) contend that access to `good' neighborhoods (and hence the ability to increase children's social capital) is even more restricted for poor, minority parents because of `tastes,' historical housing discrimination, and current housing discrimination."

"The breakup of a marriage (or the parents' failure to marry) increases the chance that a child will be poor during childhood, may lead to psychological distress, may reduce parental supervision, and may limit the child's role models for marriage and work. The distress, lack of supervision, and lack of role models could in turn lead children to be poor as adults."

In a study by Wilson, he "emphasizes that working parents and employed neighbors provide children with role models for work and that middle-class neighbors are important both as socializing agents and as sources of `social control."'

"Low income and other economic hardships may reduce children's self-esteem by reducing the emotional or supportive qualities of the parents' home. The pressure that limited economic resources can place on marital relationships can, in turn, translate into negative parent-child relations and lower levels of self-esteem."

Boyd is used as an example of a person without a car; he and his wife have to get a taxi or find a neighbor to take them to the hospital where they receive free care when their sons experience severe asthma attacks. They could have a phone at home because the fits are bad enough (welfare would allow it) but they can't afford one.

Ibid.

Ibid.

Ibid. P. 463.

Ibid. P. 464.

Axinn, William, Duncan, Greg J., and Thornton, Arland. The Effects of Parents' Income, Wealth, and Attitudes on Children's Completed Schooling and Self-Esteem. Duncan, Greg J., and Brooks-Gunn, Jeanne, Editors. Consequences of Growing Up Poor. New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation, 1997. P. 521.

Dicks, Lee E. The Poor Who Live Among Us. Penchef, Esther, Editor. Four Horsemen: Pollution, Poverty, Famine, Violence. San Francisco, CA: Canfield Press, 1971. P. 122.

The author says that middle-class persons "find it relatively easy to locate the appropriate agency for help and redress" when dealing with frustrations stemming from public bureaucracy. "On the other hand, the typical ghetto resident has interrelated social and economic problems which require the services of several government and private agencies. At the same time, he may be unable to identify his problems in terms of the complicated structure of government. Moreover, he may be unaware of his rights and opportunities under public programs and unable to obtain the necessary guidance from either public or private sources."

The author describes the difficulties she encounters in trying to transfer her checking account to another branch of the bank from where she'd originally opened it. She was originally able to open it because a friend (her publisher) took her to her bank to meet with a bank representative. Because of the publisher's knowledge of her, she was allowed to open an account. She had no credit card, no driver's license; this time she was able to make the transfer only because she knew the bank president.

One person the author interviews who tells her story says, "'I feel so bad for those without the emotional supports I have, without family and friends."'

In describing her friends she chose when she was 13, Lisa said, "'They were kids who lived in housing projects like Regent Park, Donmount Court. Kids who spent late nights in clubs, dancing and drinking and smoking dope. I was the only one who had to lie about what I was doing-either their mothers were just too tired from working all day to try and enforce rules, or they were nurses doing night shifts. There didn't seem to be any fathers living at home."'

Lisa quit school in Grade 1o and got a job. She said, "'Of course, the only work I could get were lowpaying, service-oriented jobs that did nothing to make me feel better about who I was."'

"But their humor and easy ways were contained in an environment of misery. I remember families who could not send their children to school because there were not enough shoes for all. One family passed the shoes from child to child, so that at least a couple of them would be in school each day."

Ritchie, Barbara. What Can Be Done. Penchef, Esther, Editor. Four Horsemen: Pollution, Poverty, Famine, Violence. San Francisco, CA: Canfield Press, 1971. p. 169.

Capponi, Pat. Dispatches from the Poverty Line. Toronto, Ontario, Canada: Penguin Books, 1997. pp. 82-85.