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Authors: Jay Rubenstein

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15
BB 1, 4, p. 14, and 1, 3, p. 12. In line with these arguments, Andrew Jotischky, “The Christians of Jerusalem, the Holy Sepulchre, and the Origins of the First Crusade,”
Crusades
7 (2008): 35–57, suggests that the sufferings of Christians and pilgrims in the East may have played a more direct role in inspiring the First Crusade than scholars have tended to acknowledge.
16
RtM, 1, 1, pp. 727–728. The italicized passage is from Ps. 78:8 (Vulgate 77:8).
17
The pun and the other charges (including “foully,”
turpiter
) appear in BB 1, 4, p. 13.
18
The source for these charges is the letter attributed to Alexius Comnenus written to Count Robert of Flanders. It is probably a forgery or else a heavily redacted Latin translation of a Greek original, printed in Hagenmeyer,
Epistulae
1, pp. 31–36. GN 1, 5, pp. 101–102, paraphrases the same letter. His phrase for violating the laws of humanity is
solutis humanitatum legibus
. As for violating the laws of nature, he argues that sodomy makes Saracens worse than beasts, because sex with women is at least within the course of nature.
19
Hagenmeyer,
Epistulae
2, p. 136.
20
Otbert of Liège helped to finance the crusade of Godfrey of Bouillon. The reference appears in the edition of Urban's letters in PL 151, col. 396C, D. My thanks to Matthew Gabriele for calling my attention to this passage.
21
The writer of the apocalyptic sermon is GN 2, 4, pp. 113–114. The biblical passage concerning the conquest of three kings is Dan. 11:42–43: “And he will send his hand against the earth, the nation of Egypt shall not escape. And he will rule over the treasures of gold, silver, and all the valuable things of Egypt; through Libya and Ethiopia he will cross.” Guibert has substituted “Africa” for “Libya.”
22
The reconstruction of this scene follows BB 1, 5, pp. 15–16. It is notable that BB, before he begins describing this scene, mentions for the first time that he had attended the Council of Clermont. It is an important point: He does not vouch for the accuracy of his account of Urban's sermon, but he does claim that his account of these activities after the sermon is reliable. On Adhémar's career, see James A. Brundage, “Adhémar of Puy: The Bishop and His Critics,”
Speculum
34 (1959): 201–212, a response to John Hugh Hill and Laurita L. Hill, “Contemporary Accounts and the Later Reputation of Adhémar, Bishop of Le Puy,”
Medievalia et Humanistica
9 (1955): 30–38. See also Christian Lauranson-Rosaz, “Le Velay et la croisade,” in École Française (1997), pp. 33–64 (pp. 50–51 and 61–62).
23
The Gospel reference is to Luke 14:27, long recognized as a key passage in crusade history and cited at the beginning of GF as the core of Urban II's message. The best introduction to Raymond's career (with some caution necessary about certain judgments) is Hill and Hill (1962); they discuss the rumor about the count's missing eye on p. 30. On the
fideles
of St. Peter, see Erdmann,
Origin
, pp. 206–224.
24
BB 1, 5, p. 16.
25
BB 1, 5–6, p. 16; RtM 1, 3, p. 730.
Chapter 3
1
Details taken from
Notitiae duae Lemovicenses de praedicatione crucis in Aquitania,
RHC
Oc.
5, pp. 350–353 (p. 352).
2
Chroniques
, pp. 234 and 237–238. George T. Beech, “Urban II, the Abbey of Saint-Florent of Saumur, and the First Crusade,” in
Autour de la Croisade
, pp. 57–69, notes a similar failure of Urban's message. Riley-Smith (1997), p. 88.
3
Riley-Smith (1986), p. 43; Norman Housley,
Fighting for the Cross: Crusading to the Holy Land
(New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2008), pp. 162–170.
4
The only English-language biography of Bohemond is R. B. Yewdale,
Bohemond I, Prince of Antioch
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1924). There have been recent biographies in French and Italian: Jean Flori,
Bohémond d'Anti-oche, Chevalier d'Aventure
(Paris: Payot, 2007); and Luigi Russo,
Boemondo, Figilio del Guiscardo e principe di Antiochia
(Avellino, Italy: Elio Sellino, 2009). On these scenes, see Flori,
Bohémond
, pp. 61–78; and Russo,
Boemondo
, pp. 59–61. Flori suggests the likelihood that Bohemond knew of the crusade well before this near mythic encounter with Frankish soldiers. The description here is largely based on GF, pp. 7–8.
5
C. W. David,
Robert Curthose, Duke of Normandy
, Harvard Historical Studies 25 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1920), pp. 86–96; C. Warren Hol-lister,
Henry I
(New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2001), pp. 76–97; WM 3, 277, pp. 504–507.
6
Hagenmeyer,
Epistulae
2, pp. 136–137 (the letter from Urban), and 7, pp. 142–143 (a charter issued from Robert's wife two years after his departure, where she speaks of rage against the Persians). Robert recalls his good works in a charter issued before his departure, published by Fernand Vercauteren, ed.,
Actes des comtes de Flandre, 1071–1128
(Brussels: Palais des Académies, 1938), pp. 62–63. M. M. Knap-pen, “Robert II of Flanders in the First Crusade,” in
The Crusades and Other Historical Essays, Presented to Dana C. Munro by His Former Students
, ed. Louis J. Paetow (New York: F. S. Crofts, 1928), pp. 79–100, verges on hagiography but is still useful.
7
Lampert of Hersfeld,
Annales
MGH SS, an. 1076, p. 243; H. E. J. Cowdrey,
Gregory VII, 1073–1085
(Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press, 1998), p. 142; John C. Andressohn,
The Ancestry and Life of Godfrey of Bouillon
(Bloomington: Indiana State University Press, 1947), pp. 16–20.
8
Chronique de Saint-Hubert, dite Cantatorium
, ed. Karl Hanquet (Brussels: Librairie Kiessling, 1906), 19, pp. 48–50. The statement in Asbridge (2004), p. 62, that Godfrey had “no particular reputation for personal piety, being a known despoiler of Church land,” is a bit of an overstatement.
9
Chronique de Saint-Hubert
, 82–83, pp. 203–208; Andressohn,
The Ancestry and Life
, pp. 27–46. On the financing of Godfrey's army, see Alan V. Murray, “The Army of Godfrey of Bouillon, 1096–1099: Structure and Dynamics of a Contingent on the First Crusade,”
Revue Belge de Philologie et d'histoire
70 (1992): 301–329; and H. Dorchy, “Godefrois de Bouillon, duc de Basse-Lotharingie,”
Revue Belge de Philologie et d'histoire
26 (1948): 961–999 (p. 998).
10
Our one source for the Council of Paris is GN 2, 17, pp. 133–134, who seems to have been well informed on the early stages of the crusade in connection with the Capetian kings. He also mentions the French hopes that Hugh might become king of Jerusalem: GN 2, 14, p. 131. The figure of fifteen miles was not chosen at random. Philip warned his son, the future Louis VI, to be especially wary of the castle of Montlhéry, a place whose vile treachery had robbed Philip of his youth. Montlhéry was sixteen miles outside Paris: Suger, 8, p. 38. The verses cited are Apoc. 6:12–13 and Joel 2:30–32.
11
EA 10–11, pp. 18–19, and 2, p. 12. The chronology of these signs is unclear. Ekkehard saw the first comet on October 7, presumably 1096, though possibly 1095. The second sign occurred three years later, in March, probably 1099.
12
EA 10, p. 19; GN 7, 32, p. 330, discussed in Rubenstein (2002), p. 123.
13
“A viscous liquid was clearly seen to ooze from the violently cut line of the cross”: GN 4, 17, p. 197. See also GN, 7, 32, p. 330, where he describes the green and red crosses more generally.
14
GN 7, 32, p. 331; AA 1, 30, pp. 58–59; EA 11, p. 19. Alphandéry and Dupront, pp. 55–56, give the goose a folkloric interpretation. For the Jewish report, see Chazan (1987), pp. 232–233.
15
Chazan (1987), pp. 56, 235, and, more generally, 232–240;
Annales Hildesheimnenses,
MGH SS 3, an. 1096, p. 106, which gives the figure of 1,014, although the annalist credits the deaths to Peter the Hermit. The quotation, surprisingly, is from AA 1, 27, pp. 52–53, whose use of the term “uncircumcised” elsewhere in this passage suggests that he had a remarkable ability to empathize with the Jews or else that he worked with a Jewish source or both.
16
Chazan (1987), p. 250;
Annales Pragenses
MGH SS 3, an. 1096, p. 120. The Norman massacre we know of thanks to
Monodies
2, 5, pp. 246–249. It seems likely that Peter's followers were also responsible for anti-Jewish violence in Metz; see Chazan (1987), pp. 63 and 287.
17
Chazan (1987), pp. 95–97.
18
Chazan (1987)
,
pp. 250–251. Chazan, pp. 65–66, downplays the apocalyptic overtones of this rhetoric. Matthew Gabriele, “Against the Enemies of Christ: The Role of Count Emicho in the Anti-Jewish Violence of the First Crusade,” in
Christian Attitudes Toward Jews in the Middle Ages : A Casebook,
ed. Michael Frassetto (New York: Routledge, 2005), pp. 61–82. See also France (1994), p. 95; Flori, “Une ou plusieurs ‘première croisade'? Le message d'Urbain II et les plus anciens pogroms d'Occident,”
Revue Historique
285 (1991): 3–27 (pp. 4–5).
19
Annales Hildesheimnenses
, an. 1096, p. 106;
Annales Wirziburgenses,
an. 1096, p. 246; Sigebert,
Chronica
, MGH SS 6, an. 1096, p. 367. Benjamin Z. Kedar discusses the baptisms and canon law in “The Forcible Baptisms of 1096: History and Historiography,” in
Forschungen zur Recihs-, Papst- und Landesgeschichte: Peter Herde zum 65. Geburtstag
1 (Stuttgart, Germany: Anton Hiersemann, 1998), pp. 187–200.
20
The passage here is from the prophecy of the Tiburtine Sibyl, published in
Sibyllinische Texte
, p. 185. Adso, p. 28, states that two witnesses, foretold in Apoc. 11, will convert the remnant of the Jews. See also the version of Adso attributed to Methodius, which concludes with the conversion of the Jews: published in LF, fols. 108v–110r, pp. 220–223; and in Adso, pp. 146–152. See also the commentary of André Vauchez, “Les composante eschatologiques de l'idée de croisade,” in École Française (1997), pp. 233–243 (p. 242).
21
EA 12, p. 20;
Gesta Andegavensium peregrinorum
, RHC
Oc
. 5, p. 346. Similarly reported by the later chronicler Richard of Poitou, monk of Cluny:
Chronicon
, in RHGF 12, pp. 411–412. On Godfrey's extortions, see Chazan (1987), pp. 53 and 86–88.
Chapter 4
1
OV 5, 9, pp. 28–29, says that the army included several eminent Frankish lords and 15,000 soldiers. AA 1, 6, pp. 8–9, says that there were only eight knights. Both writers draw the connection to Peter.
2
On Walter's name, see Edgington's n. 14 in AA, p. 9, and, more generally, AA 1, 6, pp. 8–13, our most detailed account of Walter's progress.
3
Philippopolis is in modern-day Bulgaria and is called Plovdiv. OV 5, 9, pp. 30–31, tells of Walter's death.
4
In this book I have mostly followed the dating in Hagenmeyer,
Chronologie
. But for Peter's army (and Godfrey's), I follow the revisions proposed by John W. Nesbitt, “The Rate of March of Crusading Armies in Europe: A Study and Computation,”
Traditio
19 (1963): 167–181. On this stage of Peter's march, see AA 1, 7, pp. 12–15. The verse cited is Gen. 22:17; see also 2 Sam. 17:11.
5
AA 1, 7, pp. 14–15; GN 2, 9, pp. 123 and 122. Guibert's account of these early stages of the crusade is admittedly compressed (though more substantial than the accounts of most of his peers). It is likely that he is conflating stories about Peter's
armies with stories about Emicho's (discussed later in the chapter). He says that many of Peter's followers returned after a battle with Hungarians at “Moysson,” probably Coloman's castle Moson. See Edgington's n. 57 in AA p. 45.
6
AA 1, 7, pp. 14–17.
7
AA 1, 8, pp. 16–19.
8
AA 1, 9–12, pp. 18–27.
9
AA 1, 12–14, pp. 26–29.
10
AA 1, 14–15, pp. 28–29.
11
Folkmar is one of the shadowiest figures in the crusade narrative. Identified by Frutolf as a priest, the Magdeburg chronicler deliberately corrects this point to say that Folkmar was a layman who had once lived within monastic walls: Frutolf, an. 1096, p. 108;
Annales Magdeburgenses
, MGH 16, an. 1096, p. 179. EA 12, p. 20, gives the brief account of the destruction of Folkmar's army. Because Frutolf (and, following him, Ekkehard) describes Folkmar as traveling through Bohemia, he is usually connected with the pogrom there, described by Cosmas,
Chronicon Bohe-morum
, MGH 9, an. 1096, p. 103.
12
AA 1, 23–24, pp. 44–49, is the most detailed account of Gottschalk's disastrous pilgrimage, which I have largely followed here. EA 12, p. 20, provides a much shorter account, saying that the pilgrims occupied a castle and that the locals attacked them and drove them out.
13
AA 1, 25, pp. 48–49; 1, 28, pp. 52–55; and 2, 1, pp. 60–61, where he mentions Drogo's presence in Emicho's 1, army. There were other pogroms in Germany in Neuss Drogo's presence in Emicho's army. There were other pogroms in Germany in Neuss on June 24, in Wevelinghovenon on June 25, in (possibly) Altenahr on June 26–27, in Xanten on June 27, and in Moers on June 29–July 1. See Chazan (1987), pp. 274–281 and pp. 347–348, n. 250. Not all of these persecutors were crusaders. But they were men motivated by the general atmosphere of apocalypse and revenge that surrounded the call to free Jerusalem. The other sources for Emicho's march are Frutolf, an. 1096, p. 108; and EA 12, pp. 20–21.

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