Auschwitz (34 page)

Read Auschwitz Online

Authors: Laurence Rees

BOOK: Auschwitz
12.71Mb size Format: txt, pdf, ePub
The many different hierarchical structures and purposes of the various camps within the Auschwitz Zone of Interest have allowed the Holocaust deniers to focus on so-called anomalies such as these. There were myriad variations—from the “swimming pool” and brothel at one end of the spectrum to the crematoria and murder of children at the other. It was the very complexity of Auschwitz as an institution that made the place so appealing to Himmler in 1943, and makes it such a focus of the Holocaust deniers' attentions today.
While Auschwitz was growing and developing during 1943, the Operation Reinhard camps were in decline. Additionally, in the autumn of 1943, an act of resistance occurred at the death camp of Sobibór, in eastern Poland, that must surely have confirmed Himmler in his belief that the future of the Nazis' extermination program lay at Auschwitz. Significantly, it was an act of resistance only made possible because of the pervasive corruption that existed among the guards at the camp.
Sobibór began its killing operations in May 1942, and by September 1943 around 250,000 Jews—the majority from the General Government—had been murdered in its gas chambers. Toivi Blatt was one of those who had
been transported there to be murdered from the small town of Izbica in eastern Poland. The story of how he came to be still alive today, and his part in the Sobibór revolt, is both terrifying and inspiring in equal measure.
Before the war, Blatt's hometown had contained around 3,600 Jews. There was little overt anti-Semitism, especially for Toivi as he grew up. His father had fought in the Polish army and been wounded, and that gave the family a certain status in the town. Once the German army arrived, however, Toivi witnessed an immediate change: “The [Polish] population noticed that the Jews are second-class and you can do with them whatever you want.... In the end I was more afraid of my neighbors—Christian people—than of the Germans, because the Germans didn't recognize [that I was Jewish] and my neighbors did.”
The Germans did not remove the Jews of Izbica in one single raid, but rather in a series of “actions” spread over several years. Typically, the Nazis would arrive at dawn and take a certain number of Jews away—initially to work in slave labor camps, and then, from the spring of 1942, straight to the gas chambers of Sobibór. In between actions the remaining Jews could live relatively openly. Eventually, in April 1943, however, the Germans arrived to clear the entire town of Jews. Toivi, a strong and fit fifteen year old, tried his best to run from them. As he dashed through the streets he saw an old school friend, Janek Knapczyk, a Catholic Pole. Toivi shouted, “Janek! Please save me!”
24
“Sure!” Janek replied. “Run to the barn not far past our house.” So Toivi rushed to the barn, only to discover that the door was padlocked.
So I walked around the barn and then a little Polish woman started to yell at me, “Run, Toivi, run! Janek is coming!” So if Janek is coming why should I run? He will open the gate. But why is she so panicky? And when I turned around I saw Janek coming with a Nazi—the rifle pointed at me. And Janek said to the Nazi, “This is the Jew.” I said, “Janek, tell him that you are joking!” And Janek says, “He's a Jew. Take him.” Janek then said goodbye to me in a way which is difficult even now for me to repeat ... he said, “Goodbye, Toivi. I will see you on a shelf in a soap store.” Meaning I will be a piece of soap some time. And this was his goodbye—the rumors were that the Nazis were making soap from human bodies.
As he stood staring in disbelief at his friend who had betrayed him, Toivi was “scared that this was the last day of my life. When you are young, you are fifteen years old ... you see the trees, you see the flowers and you want to live.”
Toivi was taken back down to the town square where his mother, father, and younger brother were waiting under armed guard with several hundred other Jews. They knew that they were to be transported to their deaths—the rumors of a place called Sobibór and of what went on there had been circulating for months. Yet, a little later, as they climbed into the railroad freight cars at three o'clock on a beautiful spring afternoon, they still had hope. “When everything is gone, and you don't have anything, what is left is hope—hope will be with you until the end.... There was talk in the dark truck: ‘The German army won't kill us—they'll take us to a concentration camp.'” As the train carried on, however, past the turn that would have taken them to the work camp of Trawniki, always traveling in the direction of what they knew was Sobibór, the talk turned to resistance: “I heard the voices of people [saying], ‘Let's fight them back!' And I heard the voices of people like my father saying, ‘No—either way we will die.'”
After a few hours they reached Sobibór—and Toivi had his first shock.
I imagined Sobibór as a place where they burn people, where they gas people, so it must look like a hell. And now what I see is actually nice houses, plus the commandant's villa, painted green with a little fence and flowers. On the other side was a platform pretending to be a railway station, but this was for the Jews from Holland or France—they didn't know where they are when they arrive or what's happening to them.... But we Polish Jews did know.
Immediately after leaving the trains, the new arrivals were separated—one group containing mothers and children, the other adult men. At fifteen, Toivi was exactly on the border between the two groups, but because he was a solid, well-built adolescent he went with the men.
I was with my mother, and I said goodbye to my mother in a way that hurt me until now—probably will to the end of my days. Instead of taking
her arm like other people were doing, saying goodbye to their wives and children, I told my mother, “Ma, you told me I shouldn't drink the milk [but] to save it for another day.” Like in a way accusing her. Anyway, she said, “Is this what you have to say to me now?” ... What had happened was that the day before they took us to Sobibór I was thirsty, so I told my Ma, “Could I have a little bit of milk?” So she said, “Yes.” So when I started to drink I probably drank too much, because she said, “Toivi, leave it for tomorrow.” And that's what I reminded my mother of when she was ready to go to the gas chamber.
As a general rule, in the Operation Reinhard camps, such as Sobibór, there was no selection on arrival. Everyone, without exception, was sent to the gas chambers. Very occasionally, however, the Germans needed to select a small number of Jews from the new arrivals to work in the camp. Toivi was fortunate. He was from just such a transport. As they lined up, Toivi realized that the Germans might spare some of them—perhaps cobblers or tailors.
I didn't have a trade at all, but I wanted to live and I prayed to God—at that time I was still praying. And I prayed to this German, “Please take me” ... and I still believe that my strong will somehow reached him while he was pacing back and forward in front of the group. And I felt he looked at me and I said to myself, “God help me!” And he said, “Come out, you little one!” My luck was that at that time they did need people. So they took out forty people. In this way I started to hope in Sobibór.
Toivi's father was led off with the other men in the direction of the gas chamber. As he went, Toivi shouted to the Germans, “He's a tanner!” but “they needed carpenters, they needed maybe tailors, but they didn't need him.” As he watched his father go to his death, Toivi confesses that he
didn't feel anything. I'm still thinking about this. You see, if one of my parents had died earlier—two days earlier—it would have been a terrible tragedy. I would cry day and night. And now in the same hour and the
same minute I lost my father, my mother, my ten-year-old brother and I didn't cry—I didn't even think about this. Later, when I was looking at people [in the camp], nobody cried. I thought, “Maybe there's something wrong with me,” and after the war when I met survivors I asked them, “Did you cry?” “No, I didn't,” [they reply]. It's like nature protects us—took us away from the reality of our feelings. Because imagine, if I ever thought, “My dad—my parents—are now in the gas chamber,” I would collapse and be killed.... If I show any sign that I weep, I would be killed.
Within an hour of being selected, Toivi met a friend of his, Jozek, who had arrived at Sobibór on an earlier transport. His own father had been chosen from the new arrivals because he was a dentist, and Jozek had been allowed to accompany him as a “helper.”
We were walking behind the barracks and here I saw people with a fiddle, a harmonica and a couple dancing. So I said, “Jozek, I don't understand. You are in a death camp. How can you do that? How can you be dancing?” He said, “Toivi, we are living on borrowed time. We will die anyway. This is the end. You see the smoke? Your father, your brother, your mother went through the smoke. We will also go through the smoke. So what's the difference? Should we put on a black armband? We wouldn't last a day here!”
The life Toivi now led in Sobibór was in many ways akin to that of the workers in “Canada” at Auschwitz. Food was available—much of it taken from the belongings of the Jews who had been gassed—and workers at Sobibór were allowed to keep their hair and wear everyday clothes. But unlike those who labored in “Canada,” those at Sobibór had a close—almost intimate—relationship with the murderous function of the camp.
Toivi Blatt soon learned his place in the process.
A Dutch transport of about three thousand Jews arrived at Sobibór. The train was divided into sections—about eight to ten wagons—and pushed into Sobibór up a special side-track. There a group of Jews called the
Banhoff Commando opened the doors of the wagons and held the heavy luggage. I was with other young men standing, yelling in the Dutch language. I asked them to leave their luggage. Women still had their handbags—now they were told to throw them on the side. At that point I noticed in their eyes some kind of special anxiety. They were afraid. Some women didn't want to leave them and a German hit them with a whip. Then they went straight to a big yard and there a German we called “the angel of death” talked to them so nicely. He apologized for the three-day journey from Holland but now he said they're in a beautiful place—because Sobibór was always beautiful. And he said, “For sanitary reasons you need to have a shower, and later you will get orders to leave here.” Then people clapped, “Bravo!” and they undressed themselves nicely, and they went straight through a whole room—maybe sixty meters long—to a barrack. And there I was again. I was waiting for them. Then the women started coming—completely nude. Young kids, young girls, old ladies. I was a shy boy and I didn't know where to look. They gave me long scissors. I didn't know what to do with these shears. So my friend, who'd been there many times, said, “Cut the hair—you need to cut it very close.” But I'm asked to leave a little—especially by the young girls—and not to cut so much. They didn't know that they will die in a few minutes. Then they were told to go on from the barracks just a few [steps] to the gas chamber. This trap was so perfect that I'm sure that when they were in the gas chambers and gas came out instead of water, probably they were thinking that this was some kind of malfunction.
The process that Toivi Blatt participated in was so efficient, so well designed to preempt disruption, that 3,000 people could arrive, be stripped of their goods and clothes, and be murdered within less than two hours. “When the job was finished—when they were already taken out of the gas chambers to be burnt—I remember thinking to myself that it was a beautiful night [with] the stars—really quiet.... Three thousand people died. Nothing happened. The stars are in the same place.”
The Dutch Jews, who arrived at Sobibór in ignorance of the camp's true function, could be conned into entering the gas chambers without protest;
not so the Polish Jews. The majority of them were not fooled by any pretence that this was a “hygiene stop.” “How can you do this?” demanded one middle-aged Polish woman as Toivi Blatt cut her hair. “They will kill you too. Your time will come!” He said nothing in reply, and remembers her words “like a curse.” “My whole orientation, my thoughts, were how to survive—how. Because I will die, but right now I am alive and I don't want to die today. And then the next day would come and I don't want to die today either.”
Toivi was all too well aware, of course, that he was—however unwillingly—helping the Nazis operate the camp. Indeed, it was obvious to him that the work of cutting hair, sorting clothes, taking baggage from the trains, cleaning the camp—almost all of the practical duties involved in maintaining the operational capacity of Sobibór—was carried out by Jews.
Yes, I thought about this. But nobody did anything. [I was] fifteen years old and had people with grown-up experience all around and nobody was doing anything. People change under some conditions. People asked me, “What did you learn?” and I think I'm only sure of one thing—nobody knows themselves. The nice person on the street, you ask him, “Where is North Street?” and he goes with you half a block and shows you, and is nice and kind. That same person in a different situation could be the worst sadist. Nobody knows themselves. All of us could be good people or bad people in these [different] situations. Sometimes, when somebody is really nice to me, I find myself thinking, “How will he be in Sobibór?”
Toivi Blatt's view that people change dependent upon situation is one that is shared by many who went through the horrors of the camps. It also is more than just the seemingly banal comment that human beings alter their behavior according to circumstance, as we all clearly do in our own lives—obviously, one behaves differently at a rock concert from how one would at a funeral. But Toivi Blatt points to a fundamental change in extreme circumstances that is less a change in behavior—although that occurs as well—and more a change in essential character. It is as if, for people like Toivi Blatt, the realization came in the camps that human beings resemble
elements that are changeable according to temperature. Just as water only exists as water in a certain temperature range and is steam or ice in others, so human beings can become different people according to extremes of circumstance.

Other books

Magestorm: The Embracing by Chris Fornwalt
Monster Lake by Edward Lee
Tirano II. Tormenta de flechas by Christian Cameron
The Feminist Porn Book: The Politics of Producing Pleasure by Tristan Taormino, Constance Penley, Celine Parrenas Shimizu, Mireille Miller-Young
The Black Door by Velvet
Croak by Gina Damico
The Penderwicks in Spring by Jeanne Birdsall
When She Woke by Hillary Jordan