93 Tīfāshī, Nuzhat al-albāb, I98; for a concrete example, see Ibn Kannān, al-Ḥawādith al-yawmiyyah, I80.
94 Anṭākī, Tazyīn al-aswāq, 2:84; the above-mentioned poem of Qāṣimal-Rāmī also stated that the handsome boy himself fell in love, when he was fourteen.
98 This is a recurrent theme in Schmitt and Sofer, eds., Sexuality and Eroticism among Males in Muslim Societies . For a criticism of the “blind phallus”stereotype that infects some of the contributions to that work, see Murray Homosexualities, 266-72.
100 Būrīnī, Tarājim al-a‘yān ,1 : 87; Khafājī, Rayḥānat al-alibbā , 1 : 62. For another example, see Ibn Kannān, al-Ḥawādith al-yawmiyyah, 38.
101 Tietze, Mustafa ʿAliʾsDescription of Egypt, 54.
102 Chamberlain, Knowledge and Social Practice in Medieval Damascus , ch. 2; Berkey, The Transmission of Knowledge in Medieval Cairo , ch. 2. By the eighteenth century, the Azhar college in Cairo does seem to have gained a reputation as an institution, but certificates were still conferred by individual teachers.
103 Shīrāzī, al-Ḥikmah al-muta ʿāliyah, 7 : I7I-72;Mulla Sadra’s discussion is quoted in the miscellany of Rāghib Pasha (d. I763), Safīnat al-rāghib, 317-18.
110 Jabartī, ʿAjāʾib al-āthār, 1:79—80. The recent English translation of Jabarū’s history renders the Arabic term bidāyātihim as “their nurses,” taking bi as a preposition prefixed to the term dāyātibim (Phillip and Perlmann, ʿAbd al-Rahman al-jabartiʾs History of Egypt, 1:131). However, a seventeenth-century tract reveals that at least one disreputable order called their young novices bidāyāt; see Dajjānī, al-‛Iqd al-mufrad, fol. 6a-8a.
111 Dajjānī, al-ʿIqd al-mufrad, fol. 6a-8a; Tawil, al-Taṣawwuf fī Miṣr, 112, 176-77 (citing a fatwā by al-‘Adawī). A similarly motivated condemnation of the Mutawi’ah order was composed by Muhammad al-Ghamrī (d. 1445); see Sha‛rānī, al-Anwār al-qudsiyyah, 1 : 47.
134 Saffārῑnῑ, Qarʿ al-siyāṭ, fol. 10b. Nevertheless, the remark is an interesting example of apparent ethnic resentment predating the spread of nationahsm proper in the second half of the nineteenth century.
135 Jazarῑ, Dῑwān, fol. 73b. See also the defamatory poems on fol. 73b-74a and fol. 116a-117a. For the idea that black African men were popular with mukhannaths because of their reputed virility and endowment, see Tῑfāshῑ, Nuzhat al-albāb, 270-71.
138 Marcus, The Middle East on the Eve of Modernity, 232; Rafeq, “Public Morality in Eighteenth-Century Damascus,” 183. For an interesting parallel, see the image of the boy waiters of the sake shops in pre-Meiji Japan described in Pflugfelder, Cartographies of Desire, 79.
149 Bray Homosexuality in Renaissance England, 31.
150 Bray Homosexuality in Renaissance England, 103.
151 Huussen, “Sodomy in the Dutch Republic during the Eighteenth Century”; Rey, “Parisian Homosexuals Create a Lifestyle, 1700-1750”; Greenberg, The Construction of Homosexuality 310-46.
153 For example, Boswell, “Revolutions, Universals, and Sexual Categories”; Murray “Homosexual Acts and Selves in Early Modern Europe”; Saslow, “Homosexuality in the Renaissance”; Cady, “Masculine Love, Renaissance Writing, and the New Invention of Homosexuality.” For a recent study that challenges the findings of Bray on Renaissance England, see Young, James VI and I and the History of Homosexuality, esp. 3-4, 141-55.
154 For similar remarks on the Greek stereotype of the passive kinaidos, see Winkler, The Constraints of Desire, 45-46.
157 In fact, Foucault elsewhere explicitly allows that in classical Greece a man’s preference for boys rather than women could be seen as a “character-trait” (The History of Sexuality, 2 : 190). D. Halperin has recently addressed simplistic distortions of Foucault’s position in “Forgetting Foucault” and How to Do the History of Homosexuality ch. 1.