Before Homosexuality in the Arab-Islamic World, 1500-1800 (75 page)

BOOK: Before Homosexuality in the Arab-Islamic World, 1500-1800
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89
Ibn al-Ḥanbalī,
Durr al-ḥabab
, I : II09. Ibn al-Ḥanbalī knew the son in question personally.
 
90
Ibn Ayyūb,
Nuzhat al-khāṭir,
2 :204.
 
91
al-‘Umarī, ‘Uthmān,
al-Rawḍ al-naḍir
, 2:270-73.
 
92
Shirbīnī,
Hazz al-quḥūf,
233.
 
93
Tīfāshī,
Nuzhat al-albāb,
I98; for a concrete example, see Ibn Kannān,
al-Ḥawādith al-yawmiyyah,
I80.
 
94
Anṭākī,
Tazyīn al-aswāq,
2:84; the above-mentioned poem of Qāṣimal-Rāmī also stated that the handsome boy himself fell in love, when he was fourteen.
 
95
Muḥibbī,
Nafḥat al-rayḥānah
,I : 3OI,
 
96
al-‘Amilī,Bahā’al-Dīn,
al-Kashkūl,
I: 361; Jazā’irī,
Zahr al-rabī,‘
287.
 
97
Shirbīnī,
Hazz al-quḥūf,
94.
 
98
This is a recurrent theme in Schmitt and Sofer, eds.,
Sexuality and Eroticism among Males in Muslim Societies
. For a criticism of the “blind phallus”stereotype that infects some of the contributions to that work, see Murray
Homosexualities,
266-72.
 
99
al-‘Umarī, Muḥammad Amīn,
Mambal al-awliyā’,
I: 228.
 
100
Būrīnī,
Tarājim al-a‘yān
,1 : 87; Khafājī,
Rayḥānat al-alibbā
, 1 : 62. For another example, see Ibn Kannān,
al-Ḥawādith al-yawmiyyah,
38.
 
101
Tietze,
Mustafa ʿAliʾsDescription of Egypt,
54.
 
102
Chamberlain,
Knowledge and Social Practice in Medieval Damascus
, ch. 2; Berkey,
The Transmission of Knowledge in Medieval Cairo
, ch. 2. By the eighteenth century, the Azhar college in Cairo does seem to have gained a reputation as an institution, but certificates were still conferred by individual teachers.
 
103
Shīrāzī,
al-Ḥikmah al-muta
ʿāliyah,
7 : I7I-72;Mulla Sadra’s discussion is quoted in the miscellany of Rāghib Pasha (d. I763),
Safīnat al-rāghib,
317-18.
 
104
Ikhwan al-Ṣafā,
Rasā’il,
3:277; Plato,
Symposium
, 2O8e
209e.
 
105
Ibn Hajar,
Taḥrīr al-maqāl,
65.
 
106
Muḥibbī
Khulāṣat al-athar
, 2:407, 3:223-24; Murādī,
Silk al-durar,
4:222.
 
107
Būrīnī,
Tarājim al-a‘yan,
1:124-25; Ghazzī,
Lutf al-samar,
2:539-40; Muhibbi,
Khulāṣat al-athar,
2:337; al-‛Umarī, Muḥammad Amīn,
Manhal al-awliyā’,
1:257.
 
108
Shabrāwī,
Dīwān,
69-70.
 
109
Murādī, Silk
al-durar,
4:130.
 
110
Jabartī,
ʿAjāʾib al-āthār,
1:79—80. The recent English translation of Jabarū’s history renders the Arabic term
bidāyātihim
as “their nurses,” taking
bi
as a preposition prefixed to the term
dāyātibim
(Phillip and Perlmann,
ʿAbd al-Rahman al-jabartiʾs
History
of Egypt,
1:131). However, a seventeenth-century tract reveals that at least one disreputable order called their young novices
bidāyāt;
see Dajjānī,
al-‛Iqd al-mufrad,
fol. 6a-8a.
 
111
Dajjānī,
al-ʿIqd al-mufrad,
fol. 6a-8a; Tawil,
al-Taṣawwuf fī Miṣr,
112, 176-77 (citing a
fatwā
by al-‘Adawī). A similarly motivated condemnation of the Mutawi’ah order was composed by Muhammad al-Ghamrī (d. 1445); see Sha‛rānī,
al-Anwār al-qudsiyyah,
1 : 47.
 
112
Ritter,
Das Meer der Seele,
ch. 26.
 
113
Bakrī,
al-Suyūf al-ḥidād,
fol. 24b-25a.
 
114
Ghazzī,
Lutf al-samar,
1:269-70; Ibn al-Ḥanbalī,
Durr al-ḥabab,
1:525-27; Būrīnī,
Tarājim al-a‛yān,
1:256; Ghulāmī,
Shammāmat al-ʿanbar,
193-94.
 
115
Ibn MaʿṢūm,
Sulāfat al-ʿaṣr
, 98; Muhibbi,
Nafḥat al-rayḥᾱnah,
4:79; Muhibbi,
Khulāşat al-athar,
1:271.
 
116
Shirbīnī,
Hazz al-quḥūf,
90-93.
 
117
Jazāʾirī,
Zahr al-rabī ʿ,
304.
 
118
Westermarck,
Ritual and Belief in Morocco,
1:108.
 
119
Lane,
An Account of the Manners and Customc of the Modern Egyptians
, 229.
 
120
Sha‛rānῑ,
al-Tabāqat al-kubrā,
2:122.
 
121
Ramlῑ, Khayr al-Dῑn,
al-Fatāwā al-khayriyyah,
2:179.
 
122
Sha‛rānῑ,
al-Anwār al-qudsiyyah, 1:
46, 2:96.
 
123
Winter,
Society and Religion in Early Ottoman Egypt,
116.
 
124
Ibn Hajar,
al-Zawājir,
2:143.
 
125
Russell,
The Natural History of Aleppo
(1756 ed.), 113.
 
126
Nabulusi,
al-Qawl al-muʿtabar,
fol. 186a-b.
 
127
Shaʿrānῑ,
Latāʾif al-minan,
2:135.
 
128
Shaʿrānῑ,
Latāʾif al-minan,
2:105.
 
129
Būrῑnῑ,
Tarājim al-a‘yān,
1:327, 2:133-37; Muhibbi,
Khulāṣat al-athar,
2:219-20, 3:412; Ibn Ayyūb,
al-Rawḍ al-‛āṭir,
81; Khafājῑ,
Rayḥānat al-alibbā,
1:100; Muhibbῑ,
Nafḥat al-rayḥānah,
2:237.
 
130
ʿUrd
ῑ,
Maʿādin al-dhahab,
82.
 
131
Ibn Ayyub,
al-Rawd al-ʿāṭir,
5.
 
132
ʿAlwān al-Ḥamawῑ, ʿArāʾis
al-ghurar,
68.
 
133
Blount,
A Voyage into the Levant,
14.
 
134
Saffārῑnῑ,
Qarʿ al-siyāṭ,
fol. 10b. Nevertheless, the remark is an interesting example of apparent ethnic resentment predating the spread of nationahsm proper in the second half of the nineteenth century.
 
135
Jazarῑ,
Dῑwān,
fol. 73b. See also the defamatory poems on fol. 73b-74a and fol. 116a-117a. For the idea that black African men were popular with
mukhannaths
because of their reputed virility and endowment, see Tῑfāshῑ,
Nuzhat al-albāb,
270-71.
 
136
Ghazzῑ,
al-Kawākib al-sa‘irah,
2:111—12.
 
137
Hattox,
Coffee and Coffeehouses
, 109.
 
138
Marcus,
The Middle East on the Eve of Modernity,
232; Rafeq, “Public Morality in Eighteenth-Century Damascus,” 183. For an interesting parallel, see the image of the boy waiters of the
sake
shops in pre-Meiji Japan described in Pflugfelder,
Cartographies of Desire,
79.
 
139
Būrῑnῑ,
Tarājim al-aʿyān,
1:93.
 
140
ʿInāyātῑ,
Dῑwān,
MS(1), fol. 100a; MS(2), fol. 71a.
 
141
Lane
, An Account of the Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians,
339.
 
142
Shirbῑnῑ,
Hazz al-quḥūf
219.
 
143
Munāwῑ,
al-Nuzhah al-zahiyyah,
36.
 
144
Kawkabānῑ,
Ḥadāʾiq al-nammām,
93.
 
145
Kawkabānῑ,
Ḥadāʾiq al-nammām,
99-100.
 
146
Kawkabānῑ,
Ḥudāʾiq al-nammām,
179-201.
 
147
al-Makkῑ al-Mūsawῑ,
Nuzhat al-jalῑs,
2:318-19. The word “shave” probably refers to shaving the head, not the beard.
 
148
McIntosh, “The Homosexual Role,” 36.
 
149
Bray
Homosexuality in Renaissance England,
31.
 
150
Bray
Homosexuality in Renaissance England,
103.
 
151
Huussen, “Sodomy in the Dutch Republic during the Eighteenth Century”; Rey, “Parisian Homosexuals Create a Lifestyle, 1700-1750”; Greenberg,
The Construction of Homosexuality
310-46.
 
152
Foucault,
The History of Sexuality,
1:43.
 
153
For example, Boswell, “Revolutions, Universals, and Sexual Categories”; Murray “Homosexual Acts and Selves in Early Modern Europe”; Saslow, “Homosexuality in the Renaissance”; Cady, “Masculine Love, Renaissance Writing, and the New Invention of Homosexuality.” For a recent study that challenges the findings of Bray on Renaissance England, see Young,
James VI and I and the History of Homosexuality,
esp. 3-4, 141-55.
 
154
For similar remarks on the Greek stereotype of the passive
kinaidos,
see Winkler,
The Constraints of Desire,
45-46.
 
155
Ishāqῑ
, Akhbār al-uwal,
48.
 
156
Tῑfāshῑ,
Nuzhat al-albāb,
251-308.
 
157
In fact, Foucault elsewhere explicitly allows that in classical Greece a man’s preference for boys rather than women could be seen as a “character-trait”
(The History of Sexuality,
2 : 190). D. Halperin has recently addressed simplistic distortions of Foucault’s position in “Forgetting Foucault” and
How to Do the History of Homosexuality
ch. 1.
 
158
Sibt al-Marsafῑ,
al-Bahjah al-unsiyyah,
MS. fol. 12a.
 

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