Beyond Belief (48 page)

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Authors: Deborah E. Lipstadt

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The press had access to a critically important and unprecedented story. Yet it reacted with equanimity and dispassion. In these pages I have analyzed and explained its skepticism; I find it much more difficult—if not impossible—to fully comprehend its indifference. That indifference may be a part of the history of the Holocaust which, despite the efforts of scores of historians, will remain unfathomable. We still cannot answer the question that Malcolm Bingay's colleagues asked one another as they saw the remains of the Nazis' work—”how creatures, shaped like human beings, can do such things.” Nor can we explain how the world of bystanders—particularly those with access to the news—were able to treat this information with such apathy. Both the Final Solution and the bystanders' equanimity are beyond belief.

Today we do not doubt that millions of people can be massacred, systematically and methodically, or that millions more can bear witness and do nothing. Over the past forty years we have lost our innocence and have become inured not only to the escalating cycle of human horror but also to the human indifference. Then the news shocked and confounded us. Today similar news, whether it come from Biafra, Cambodia, Uganda, or any one of a number of other places, does not shock us and sometimes it does not even interest us. It has become an “old,” all too familiar, and therefore relatively unexciting story.

Our reaction is among the more tragic legacies of the Final Solution. The inability of reports of extreme persecution and even mass murder in foreign lands to prompt us to act almost guarantees that the cycle of horror which was initiated by the Holocaust will continue.

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NOTES

Key to Abbreviations

Abbreviations are used for three frequently cited sources after their first full citation in notes:

DGFP Documents on German Foreign Policy
, published by the U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington

DS Department of State Decimal Files, in the National Archives, Washington

FRUS Foreign Relations of the United States: Diplomatic Papers
, published by the U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington

Introduction

1
. Thomas Jefferson to Edward Carrington, quoted in James E. Pollard,
The Presidents and the Press
(New York: Macmillan, 1947), pp. 52-53; Oscar Wilde, quoted in James Reston,
The Artillery of the Press: Its Influence on American Foreign Policy
(New York: Harper & Row, 1966), p. 43; Adlai Stevenson, quoted in Thomas Bailey,
The Art of Diplomacy
(New York: Appleton, 1968), p. 124.

2
. Arthur Morse,
While Six Million Died: A Chronicle of American Apathy
(New York: Random House, 1967); Henry Feingold,
The Politics of Rescue: The Roosevelt Administration and the Holocaust, 1938-1945
(New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1970); David S. Wyman,
Paper Walls: America and the Refugee Crisis, 1938-1941
(Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1968); David Wyman,
The Abandonment of the Jews: America and the Holocaust, 1941-1945
(New York: Pantheon Books, 1984); Saul Friedman,
No Haven for the Oppressed: United States Policy Towards Jewish Refugees, 1938-1945
(Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1973); Monty Noam Penkower,
The Jews Were Expendable: Free World Diplomacy and the Holocaust
(Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1983).
   Recently additional attention has been devoted to the behavior of the organized Jewish community in research projects that are themselves somewhat controversial. Critics such as Lucy Dawidowicz have accused factions in the Jewish community of “revis[ing] the past for their own self-aggrandizement and unscrupulously distort[ing] the historic record” in order to justify and legitimize their current political agenda. The appointment of a private, blue-ribbon Commission on the Holocaust under the chairmanship of Arthur J. Goldberg, former Associate Justice of the Supreme Court, which was charged with the task of “embark[ing] on a searing inquiry into the actions and attitudes of American Jews,” aroused a great deal of controversy. Lucy Dawidowicz accurately described this charge as sounding like an “arraignment.” Lucy Dawidowicz, “American Jewry and the Holocaust,”
New York Times Magazine
, April 18, 1982, pp. 47-48, 101-114. See also Marie Syrkin, “American Jewry During the Holocaust,”
Midstream
, October 1982, pp. 6-12. A few years ago Ariel Sharon, in an address to the Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations, accused the Jews of the free world of having remained silent during the war. Bernard Wasserstein, “The Myth of ‘Jewish Silence.' “
Midstream
, August-September 1980, p. 10. Monty Noam Penkower, “In Dramatic Dissent: The Bergson Boys,”
American Jewish History
, March 1981, pp. 281-309; David Wyman, “Letters to the Editor,”
New York Times Magazine
, May 23, 1982, p. 94. Wyman's
The Abandonment of the Jews
offers the most piercing analysis of the American Jewish community's reaction.

3
. Elmer Roper,
You and Your Leaders
(New York, Morrow, 1957), p. 71; Selig Adler,
Isolationist Impulse
(London, Abelard-Schuman, 1957), p. 279.

4
. Gay Talese,
The Kingdom and the Power
(New York: Bantam Books, 1970), p. 1. One foreign policy official described the function of the press as giving those in government a “daily feel” of the public's reaction to events. Bernard C. Cohen,
The Press and Foreign Policy
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963), pp. 233-234. The
fact that reporters see themselves as the public's agents in breaking down any barriers which might impede the free flow of news also enhances the press's importance in the foreign policy arena. Reston, p. 71; Theodore Peterson, “The Social Responsibility Theory of the Press,” in Fred S. Siebert, Theodore Peterson, and Wilbur Schramm,
Four Theories of the Press
(Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1956), p. 91; Cohen, p. 32; William O. Chittick,
State Department, Press and Pressure Groups: A Role Analysis
(New York: Wiley, 1970), p. 6; Bernard R. Berelson, Paul F. Lazarsfeld, and William N. McPhee,
Voting: A Study of Opinion Formation in a Presidential Campaign
(Chicago, 1954), pp. 93-115, and Elihu Katz and Paul Lazarsfeld,
Personal Influence: The Part Played by People in the Flow of Mass Communication
(Glencoe, Ill., 1955), chap. 14, and pp. 32-33, 325, as cited in Peter G. Filene, “On Method and Matter,” chap. 1 in his
Americans and the Soviet Experience, 1917-1933
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967). Also see Filene pp. 1-7, for a discussion of some of the problems involved in analysis of mass media.
   For an example of a veteran reporter's reaction to the barring of his colleagues from the battlefield see Drew Middleton, “Barring Reporters from the Battlefield,”
New York Times Magazine
, February 5, 1984, pp. 36-37, 61 ff. For an analysis of the political impact of television see Austin Ranney,
Channels of Power: The Impact of Television on American Politics
(New York, 1984), as cited in Ted Koppel, “The Myth of the Medium,”
New Republic
, February 6, 1984, pp. 26-28; A. Lawrence Chickering, “The Media and the Message,”
Commentary
, February 1984, pp. 79-80.

5
. Cohen, p. 255; Reston, pp. 75-76.

6
. Frederick Oeschner,
This Is the Enemy
(Boston: Little, Brown, 1942), p. 130.

7
. W. Phillips Davison, “More than Diplomacy,” in Lester Markel et al.,
Public Opinion and Foreign Policy
(New York: Harper & Row, 1949), p. 132; Reston, pp. 69-71. Incidentally, because press criticism of government policy often tends to influence policy via an intellectual, political, and journalistic elite and not through the masses, the number of people who read a particular publication is often less important than
who
reads it.

8
. Graham J. White,
FDR and the Press
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979), pp. 13, 22, 135; Raymond Clapper,
Watching the World
(New York: Whittlesey House, 1944), p. 51; Arthur Krock,
Memoirs
(New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1970), p. 183; Reston, pp. 67-68;
Complete Presidential Press Conferences of Franklin D. Roosevelt
, introduction by Jonathan Daniels (New York: Da Capo Press, 1972); James E.
Pollard, “Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Press,”
Journalism Quarterly
, vol. 22, no. 3 (September 1947), p. 201.

9
. Reston, pp. 67-68.

10
. The
Press Information Bulletins
are to be found in Franklin D. Roosevelt Papers, Franklin D. Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, N.Y., White, pp. 79-81; James Reston, “The Number One Voice,” in Markel, p. 70; Pollard, p. 200; H. V. Kaltenborn,
Fifty Fabulous Years
(New York: G. P. Putnam, 1950), p. 172.

11
. Chittick, pp. 24-25.

12
. For examples of German concerns regarding American press coverage see: Richard Sallet to the Ministry of Propaganda, August 3, 1934, no. 569, III A 3140,
Documents on German Foreign Policy
(hereafter cited as
DGFP)
, series C, III (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1957), p. 1111; Luther, April 8, 1935,
DGFP
, series C, IV, pp. 23-29;
Investigation of Nazi Propaganda Activities and Investigation of Certain Other Propaganda Activities: Hearings Before the Special Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives
, 73d Cong., 2d sess. (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1935); memorandum of a conversation between Ambassador Hugh Wilson and Joseph Goebbels, Berlin March 22, 1938, enclosed in a letter from Sumner Welles to President Roosevelt, April 22, 1938, Hugh Wilson folder, President's Secretary's File, Germany, FDRL, as cited in Sander Diamond,
The Nazi Movement in the United States, 1924-1941
(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1974), p. 36. For additional discussion of German attempts to sway American public opinion and press coverage, see
Chapter 6
.

13
. Thomsen to Berlin, November 20, 1939, no. 684,
DGFP
, series D, VIII, p. 432, as quoted in Saul Friedlander,
Prelude to Downfall: Hitler and the United States, 1939-1941
(New York, Alfred E. Knopf, 1967), p. 56.

14
. Reston,
Artillery
, p. 65; Friedlander, pp. 42-43, 52. For American attempts to influence the press see: Messersmith to Hull, March 25, 1933, DS 862.4016/496, as cited in Shlomo Shafir, “The Impact of the Jewish Crisis on American German Relations, 1933-1939,” Ph.D. diss. (Ann Arbor: University Microfilms International, 1971), p. 77; Messersmith to Hull, March 31, 1933,
Foreign Relations of the United States: Diplomatic Papers
(hereafter cited as
FRUS)
, 1933, vol. II (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1949), pp. 341, 346; telephone call between Phillips and Gordon, April 2, 1933,
FRUS
, 1933, vol. II, p. 346.

15
. For contemporary discussion of the evolution of these two fields and bibliographies see Harold G. Lasswell, “Propaganda,”
Encyclopedia
of the Social Sciences
(New York, Macmillan, 1934), vol. 12, pp. 521-528; Leila A. Sussmann, “The Public Relations Movement in America,” M.A. diss., University of Chicago, 1947; and Harwood L. Childs, ed., “Pressure Groups and Propaganda,”
Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science
, 179 (May 1935)—all as cited in Michael Schudson,
Discovering the News: A Social History of American Newspapers
(New York: Basic Books, 1978), pp. 141, 211, n. 52.

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