Big Chief Elizabeth: The Adventures and Fate of the First English Colonists in America (13 page)
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Authors: Giles Milton
BOOK: Big Chief Elizabeth: The Adventures and Fate of the First English Colonists in America
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There were, of course, a number of artisans, farmers, and labourers among the colonists, but these saw no earthly reason why they
should do the gentlemen’s dirty work. There was a shoemaker called John Brocke, John Fever was a basketmaker, and Richard Sare was a labourer; there were also smithies, carpenters, brewers, and bakers. Many of these skilled workers found themselves unable to carry out the work for which they had been hired. There was little need for “roughe masons” on an island where the biggest stone was the size of a pea, and the “mynerall men,” headed by Joachim Ganz, a Jew from Prague, soon discovered that the land was devoid of anything more exciting than shingle. Although there was a brief moment of excitement when a strange rock “was founde to holde yron richly,” neither Ganz nor the other mineral men could find the precious metals so requested of them. They might have had more luck with alchemy.
should do the gentlemen’s dirty work. There was a shoemaker called John Brocke, John Fever was a basketmaker, and Richard Sare was a labourer; there were also smithies, carpenters, brewers, and bakers. Many of these skilled workers found themselves unable to carry out the work for which they had been hired. There was little need for “roughe masons” on an island where the biggest stone was the size of a pea, and the “mynerall men,” headed by Joachim Ganz, a Jew from Prague, soon discovered that the land was devoid of anything more exciting than shingle. Although there was a brief moment of excitement when a strange rock “was founde to holde yron richly,” neither Ganz nor the other mineral men could find the precious metals so requested of them. They might have had more luck with alchemy.
It was some weeks before the colonists received their first visit from Chief Wingina, a capricious individual whose rule extended over all the Indians on Roanoke as well as a small settlement on the mainland, some thirty minutes away by dugout canoe. Wingina was a
weroance
, a “big” or “great” chief, and a man who had absolute power “to governe the people” and dispense his own brand of justice, occasionally with the help of the village elders. His majestic title—which was both barbarous and slightly comical—quickly captured the imagination of the English colonists, and they began referring to their own queen as
Weroanza
Elizabeth. The difficulties they had in pronouncing the word were nothing to the problems they had with its spelling. It is variably written as
werowans, weroance
,
herowan, cheroun,
and
weroans
.
weroance
, a “big” or “great” chief, and a man who had absolute power “to governe the people” and dispense his own brand of justice, occasionally with the help of the village elders. His majestic title—which was both barbarous and slightly comical—quickly captured the imagination of the English colonists, and they began referring to their own queen as
Weroanza
Elizabeth. The difficulties they had in pronouncing the word were nothing to the problems they had with its spelling. It is variably written as
werowans, weroance
,
herowan, cheroun,
and
weroans
.
The colonists’ previous dealings with Wingina had been through his brother—for the chieftain himself was nursing a war wound—and they were all anxious to meet this powerful ruler whose stockpiles of food they were already viewing with greedy eyes. When he at last appeared, they found him rather disappointing. He was a skinny man with a sinewy body and bulging eyes, and he lacked the customary tattoos. Indeed, his only concessions to adornment were strings of pearls in his earlobes and a gleaming copper gorget around
his neck, a sign of his authority. His wife proved rather more interesting. With her plump lips and saucy expression, she so impressed John White that he immediately reached for his paintbox.
his neck, a sign of his authority. His wife proved rather more interesting. With her plump lips and saucy expression, she so impressed John White that he immediately reached for his paintbox.
Wingina was wary of the English settlers and unsure how to react. Word had spread that these uninvited strangers had supernatural powers—and dangerous ones at that—that were already being deployed with deadly effect up and down the coastline. “Within a few dayes after our departure from everie such towne,” wrote Harriot, “the people began to die very fast, and many in short space; in some townes about twentie; in some fortie, in some sixtie, and in one sixe score, which—in truth—was very manie in respect of their numbers.” He added that “the disease was so strange that they neither knew what it was, nor how to cure it.”
Unbeknown to the Indians, the English community was carrying measles and smallpox, which had a devastating effect upon tribesmen with no immunity. “This marvelous accident,” continued Harriot, “wrought so strange opinions of us that some people could not tel whether to thinke us gods or men.”
Big Chief Wingina had firsthand experience of Lane’s magical powers, but he drew back from believing them to be gods. “[He was] perswaded that it was the worke of our God through our meanes, and that wee—by Him—might kil and slaie whom wee woulde without weapons, and not come neere them.” Keen to learn the secrets of their sorcery, he jumped at the opportunity to join Lane and his men at prayer in the large wooden chapel.
“Wingina and many of his people would be glad many times to be with us at our praiers,” wrote Harriot, “and many times call[ed] upon us both in his owne towne, as also in others whither he sometimes accompanied us, to pray and sing psalmes.”
He thoroughly enjoyed the communal singing, and, although he was not about to abandon his traditional beliefs, his superstitious nature got the better of him. On two occasions he “was so grievously sicke that he was like to die and, as he lay languishing … sent for some of us to praie … either that he might live, or after death
dwell with Him in blisse.” Wingina’s interest in the colonists’ religion was by no means exceptional. All of the neighbouring tribes were intrigued by the Englishmen’s form of worship and even more curious when Harriot began preaching from the gospels in his best Algonkian. This caused considerable confusion among the Indians, for they were convinced that the book itself contained some sort of supernatural power: they snatched it from Harriot’s hands, “glad to touch it, to embrace it, to kisse it, to holde it to their brestes and heades.” Such displays became rather embarrassing when the scantily clad chieftains began to “stroke over all their bodie with it [and] to shew their hungrie desire of that knowledge which was spoken of.”
dwell with Him in blisse.” Wingina’s interest in the colonists’ religion was by no means exceptional. All of the neighbouring tribes were intrigued by the Englishmen’s form of worship and even more curious when Harriot began preaching from the gospels in his best Algonkian. This caused considerable confusion among the Indians, for they were convinced that the book itself contained some sort of supernatural power: they snatched it from Harriot’s hands, “glad to touch it, to embrace it, to kisse it, to holde it to their brestes and heades.” Such displays became rather embarrassing when the scantily clad chieftains began to “stroke over all their bodie with it [and] to shew their hungrie desire of that knowledge which was spoken of.”
When Lane’s men had first arrived at Roanoke, they had been welcomed with blue skies and oppressive heat. But now, September was approaching and the temperatures had slumped. The barn swallows that White had enjoyed painting were starting to migrate, replaced by the red-breasted merganser, first harbinger of cold weather. This filled the men with dread; their houses were flimsy (many still had only rush matting for walls) and their clothing was inadequate. Of far greater concern was the lack of provisions. Their late arrival at Roanoke had made it impossible to plant any seeds, while the disaster at Wococon left them desperately short of meat to salt and store for the lean winter months. Thomas Harvey, the chief merchant, tried to acquire “beastes, fishe and foule,” but these “coulde not bee so suddenly and easily provided for us, nor in so great number and quantities, nor of that choise as otherwise might have bene to our better satisfaction and contentment.”
Harvey’s experiences left him deeply disenchanted with life on Roanoke. He began to regret having settled on the island. In London, he had been a respectable member of the Grocer’s Company with income to spare. When he had learned from Manteo of America’s rich resources—news of which had spread like wildfire after being discussed in Parliament—he had leaped at the opportunity to combine trade with adventure, hoping to exchange trinkets for the abundant furs and skins he assumed he would find on arrival. But now that he had firsthand experience of the meagre food supplies, he felt cheated. He would later complain that he had not only lost “the greatest parte of his own wealth,” but had also “borrowed divers sommes of money of others” which he had been obliged to spend on essential foodstuffs.
This is probably Wingina,
weroance
of Roanoke. He was a skinny man with a sinewy body and wore a gleaming copper gorget round his neck. His attitude towards the settlers was by turns wary, friendly, inquisitive, and ultimately hostile
weroance
of Roanoke. He was a skinny man with a sinewy body and wore a gleaming copper gorget round his neck. His attitude towards the settlers was by turns wary, friendly, inquisitive, and ultimately hostile
It was only when the Indians had harvested their crops that the men could buy maize, beans, spinach, and sunflower seeds—some of which were dried and placed in the storehouse. They also managed to brew “good ale” from the maize, considerably boosting morale, and salted a little meat for storage. But they seriously underestimated the quantities they would need to keep them alive.
They found it all but impossible to catch fish in the shallow waters of the sound and failed to master the Indian skill of fishing with traps, which were made by “settinge opp reedes or twigges in the water.” Nor were they able to learn the Indian practise of fishing with arrows, “shooting them into the fish after the maner as Irishmen cast dartes; either as they are rowing in their boats or els as they are wading in the shallowes for the purpose.” They even had difficulty shooting the deer and bear that abounded in the forests, perhaps because their gunpowder had been spoiled in the
Tiger
disaster.
Tiger
disaster.
For the moment, none of this mattered; the Indians appeared willing enough to help out by supplying them with food. But if the English had known that Indian goodwill was already being stretched to the limit, they might have redoubled their efforts to collect wild berries, chestnuts, and acorns before it was too late.
Once the settlement was finished, Lane began planning a series of explorations through Pamlico Sound. His first goal was the northern settlement of Skicoac, an important village, which Manteo grandly described as a “citie.” Lane himself did not accompany this expedition: instead, he sent Harriot and White, who were charged with producing an accurate map of the northern end of the sound, all of it still uncharted territory. The men’s equipment was rudimentary,
even by Elizabethan standards. Harriot’s principal tools were the dial, crossstaff, and compass; White’s must have been similar to the standard toolkit carried by Elizabethan surveyors: “a good store of parchment, paper ryall, quills and inck [and] black powder to make ynck.” The two men worked slowly and methodically: Harriot took the readings and coordinates and White recorded his findings on a large sheet of paper, using a selection of colours and symbols to denote features in the landscape. It was painstaking work, not made any easier by the fact that their workshop was an unstable pinnace exposed to the elements. It is testament to their skill that they were able to present Lane with a finely drawn map on their return.
even by Elizabethan standards. Harriot’s principal tools were the dial, crossstaff, and compass; White’s must have been similar to the standard toolkit carried by Elizabethan surveyors: “a good store of parchment, paper ryall, quills and inck [and] black powder to make ynck.” The two men worked slowly and methodically: Harriot took the readings and coordinates and White recorded his findings on a large sheet of paper, using a selection of colours and symbols to denote features in the landscape. It was painstaking work, not made any easier by the fact that their workshop was an unstable pinnace exposed to the elements. It is testament to their skill that they were able to present Lane with a finely drawn map on their return.
The men edged their way slowly northeastwards, at one point pushing their boat out of the sound and into the Atlantic swell, before turning west towards the opening to Chesapeake Bay. Both were struck by the friendliness of the Indians and the richness of the land, and were particularly interested in the possibilities presented by the deepwater Chesapeake Bay. They remained in the area for more than a month, a period of punishing hardship, for it was now “the time of winter [and] our lodging was in the open aire upon the grounde.” Governor Lane’s love of the outdoor life appears to have rubbed off on Harriot, who was thoroughly enjoying the rigours of the journey and went so far as to praise the Indians for their spartan winter diet. “I would to god wee would followe their example,” he wrote. “For wee should bee free from many kynes of diseasyes which wee fall into by sumptwous and unseasonable blanketts, continuallye devisinge new sawces, and provocation of gluttonnye to satisfie our unsatiable appetite.”
Harriot and White’s party headed back to Roanoke in early spring to find the settlers in poor spirits. Food stocks were perilously low. Although the colonists did manage to acquire a little seed grain, the Indians seemed reluctant to part with their scarce supplies. Wingina was still outwardly friendly, but he was fast losing patience with the colonists’ constant demands for food. It is quite possible—although
information is sketchy—that his tribe had been at the receiving end of a number of violent clashes with the English and that these had caused a dangerous rift between the two communities. It certainly helps to explain his sudden conversion from friend to foe, and his dramatic decision to rid Roanoke of the English once and for all. “The king was advised and of himselfe disposed,” writes Lane, “to have assuredly brought us to ruine.”
information is sketchy—that his tribe had been at the receiving end of a number of violent clashes with the English and that these had caused a dangerous rift between the two communities. It certainly helps to explain his sudden conversion from friend to foe, and his dramatic decision to rid Roanoke of the English once and for all. “The king was advised and of himselfe disposed,” writes Lane, “to have assuredly brought us to ruine.”
Wingina was unsure how to achieve this, and his feeling of helplessness led him to make wild boasts about a massive army “to the number of 3,000 bowes” that was about to sweep down on Roanoke and wipe out the colonists. Lane was not unduly worried, but he was sufficiently intrigued to plan an expedition to the Choanoke River, where this army was supposedly gathered. When Wingina offered guides to lead him there, the governor realised something strange was afoot, and took with him a substantial contingent of men, all of them bristling with weapons.
The journey proved easy enough, for the river “shewe[d] no currant in the world,” and the men made rapid progress to the settlement of Choanoke, “the greatest province and seigniorie lying upon that river.” Lane displayed all the qualities of leadership that had led Ralegh to employ him as governor. Bold, decisive, and supremely confident, he marched a phalanx of forty soldiers into the village and seized the chieftain—a task made considerably easier by the fact that the old man, called Menatonon, was paralysed from the waist down. Outwitted and surrounded, the tribal elder realised the game was up and admitted that he was indeed assembling an army, but only because Wingina had “sent them continuall worde that our purpose was fully bent to destroy them.” Lane corrected him, Menatonon mumbled an apology, and the two men sealed their newfound friendship with a chat around the campfire. “For a savage,” wrote Lane, “[he was] a very grave and wise man, and of very singular good discourse.” He added that “for [the] two dayes that we were together, he gave mee more understanding and light of the countrey than I had received by all the searches and salvages that
before I or any of my companie had had conference with.” Menatonon gave Lane the tantalising information that if he continued upstream for three days, then continued overland for four more, he would arrive at the territory of a powerful chieftain who lived on the shores of a bay of such depth that even the greatest vessel could anchor in safety. Lane suspected that these were the same shores as those discovered by Harriot and White, and began to form plans for a great expedition.
before I or any of my companie had had conference with.” Menatonon gave Lane the tantalising information that if he continued upstream for three days, then continued overland for four more, he would arrive at the territory of a powerful chieftain who lived on the shores of a bay of such depth that even the greatest vessel could anchor in safety. Lane suspected that these were the same shores as those discovered by Harriot and White, and began to form plans for a great expedition.
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