Bosworth: The Birth of the Tudors (65 page)

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Authors: Chris Skidmore

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Richard III’s relationship with Thomas, Lord Stanley and Sir William Stanley is examined in M.K. Jones, ‘Richard III and the Stanleys’ in
Richard
III and the North
, ed. Horrox and ‘Sir William Stanley of Holt: politics and family allegiance in the late fifteenth century’,
Welsh History Review
XIV (1988). J.M. Williams, ‘The Stanley family of Lathom and Knowsley, c.1450– 1504: a political study’ (University of Manchester M.A. thesis, 1979) is the most comprehensive study of the Stanleys’ career. Lord Strange’s arrest is covered in CC, p. 179, ‘Bosworth Field’ p. 239 and its prose version, printed in Hutton,
Battle of Bosworth Field
, p. 126. For William Gruffudd, see E.W. Jones,
Bosworth: A Welsh Retrospect
(Liverpool, 1984), pp. 57–8. Stanley’s letter to Scarisbrick is at Lancashire Record Office DDSc/9/1.

Henry’s reception at Shrewsbury is recorded in W.A. Leighton (ed.),
The Early Chronicles of Shrewsbury
(1888), pp.249–50 and Owen and Blakeway,
A History of Shrewsbury
, vol. I, pp.246–8. See also Campbell,
Materials
, vol. I, pp. 125–6, 156 and
Bishop Percy’s Folio Manscript. Ballads and Romances
, ed. J.W. Hales and F.J. Furnivall, (3 vols., London, 1868) III pp. 319–63, ‘The Ballad of Ladie Bessie’, p. 353.

Chapter 10: Secret Friends

For the city of York’s actions, see York House Books, Books 2/4 fo. 169. For Nottingham,
The Records of the Borough of Nottingham
, p. 238, and Chester, Campbell,
Materials
, vol. I, pp. 9, 110–11, 154, 202. Vergil, pp. 218–21 and
Bosworth Field
, pp. 249–51 cover the events from Lichfield to the battle, with
Great Chronicle
, p. 237 adding further detail regarding the defections from Sir Robert Brackenbury’s camp. D. Baldwin, ‘Bosworth: two battles or one?’, unpublished paper, investigates the supposed altercation before the battle began. Payments to the abbot of Merevale, Witherley, Fenny Drayton, Mancetter, Atherstone and Atterton are given in Campbell,
Materials
, vol. I, pp. 188, 201, 233 with payments for Henry’s armour p. 274.

C. Richmond, ‘1485 and all that: or what was going on at the battle of Bosworth’ in
Richard III: Loyalty, Lordship and Law
is an important evaluation of who exactly was present at the battle. For Salazar, see BL Harleian MS 433 fos. 210v, 213, 214, 219 and for comment in Molinet: ‘hardy comme ung Hector, soutil comme Ulixes, heures comme Cesar, plus asseurez aveuc ses petis Scipions que n’estoit Achilles avenc ses Mirmidons’;
Molinet
, vol. I, p. 302. Mancini’s description of the forces assembled at London is at pp. 99–101. Richard’s final night at Ambion is related by both Vergil and the Crowland Chronicle, with added detail provided by
The Historie and Cronicles of Scotland … written and collected by Robert Lindesay of Pittscottie
, ed. A.J.G Mackay (Scottish Text Society, 1899–1911), vol. I pp. 196–9. For
Biconell, see W.E. Hampton,
Memorials of the Wars of the Roses
no.265 and
Inquisitions Post Mortem Henry VII
, vol. I, no. 536.

Chapter 11: The Battle

William Hutton’s classic but flawed study of the battle, first published in 1788, has been reprinted as
The Battle of Bosworth Field
(Tempus, 1999). Key works include M. Bennett,
The Battle of Bosworth
(Gloucester, 1985) and the indispensable revisionist history by Peter Foss,
The Field of Redemore: The Battle of Bosworth 1485
(2nd edn, Newtown Linford, 1998). Recent studies include M.K. Jones,
Bosworth 1485, Psychology of a Battle
(Stroud, 2002), though its interpretation should be read in conjunction with L. Visser-Fuchs, ‘Phantom Bastardy and Ghostly Pikemen’,
The Ricardian
XIV (2004), pp. 117–18.

Vergil is the most important source for the battle: Vatican Urbs.Lat. 498, fos. 234r–235r and also the 1534 edition have been used in the interpretation. The ‘Spanish Account’ of the battle is printed in E.M. Nokes and G. Wheeler, ‘A Spanish account of the battle of Bosworth’,
The Ricardian
2, no. 36 (1972), pp. 1–5; see also A. Goodman and A. MacKay, ‘A Castilian report on English affairs, 1486’,
English Historical Review
88 (1973), pp. 92–9. Molinet’s French account is in
J.A. Buchon (ed.) Chroniques de Jean Molinet (Paris, 1828
), vol. I, pp. 434–6, with a part translation in Bennett,
The Battle of Bosworth
, p. 161. My own translation is taken from J.A. Buchon (ed.),
Chroniques de Jean Molinet
, vol. I, pp. 407–9.

Richard’s book of hours is Lambeth Palace Library MS 474, the devotional prayer is at fos.181–3, printed in Sutton and Hammond, pp. 191–3. The account of Richard’s early awakening and the unprepared nature of his camp is in BL Additional MS 12060 fos. 19–20v and CC, p. 181.The incident is discussed in J.W. Verkaik, ‘King Richard’s last sacrament’,
The Ricardian
IX (1992), pp. 359–60. On the Bosworth Crucifix, see J. Ashdown-Hill, ‘The Bosworth Crucifix’
Leicestershire Archaeological and Historical Society Transactions
78 (2004), pp. 83–93.

For the French forces’ position, see J.A. Buchon (ed.),
Chroniques de Jean Molinet
(2 vols., Paris, 1828), p. 408: ‘Les François pareillement firent leurs preparations en marchant contre les Angles, estans au camp a un quart de lieue’. For Oxford, see J. Ross, pp. 218–19 and William Caxton,
The Book of Fayttes of Armes and of Chyvalrye
, ed. A.T.P. Byles (EETS 1937), p. 291. The modern text of Christine de Pizan is from S. Willard and C.C. Willard (eds),
The Book of Deeds of Arms and of Chivalry
(Pennsylvania, 1999).

For Richard’s artillery, see Sutton and Visser-Fuchs, ‘Richard of
Gloucester and la gross bombarde’, p. 461, J. Raine, ‘The statutes ordained by Richard’, p. 161. Preparations are in Harleian MS 433, vol. I, pp. 160, 161, 175, vol. II, pp. 112, 268, vol. III, p. 192. See J.A. Buchon (ed.)
Molinet
, vol. II p. 407: ‘il avoit environ quarante mille combatants et grande quantite d’engiens volants’. Edward Hall’s reflections are in
The Union of the Two Noble Families of Lancaster and York
(London, 1550, Facsimile, 1970), fos. 29d–35, printed in part in Bennett, pp. 167–9.

Richard’s orders for Lord Strange’s execution are described in CC, p. 181, Hutton p. 129 and ‘Ladie Bessie’, pp. 360–1. For Oxford’s manoeuvre see Vergil, MS: ‘Oxoniensis Comes (interim) veritus ne sui pugnando a multitudine omnino circumvenirentur, edicit per ordines ne quis miles a signis
quatuor
pedes procederet’ and 1534 edn: ‘Oxoniensis comes interim veritus ne sui pugnando a multitudine circumvenirentur, edixit per ordines, ne quis miles a signis plus
decem
pedes procederet’: ‘
the Earl of Oxford, fearing that in the fighting his men would be completely encircled by the
[
enemy’s
]
great numbers, sent an order through the ranks that no soldier was to advance ten feet from the standards
’. From the 1534 edn: ‘Quo cognito mandato, cum sese cuncti condensassent et parum a certamine cessassent, adversarii ut territi ob eam rem aliquid fraudis suspicati ipsi quoque parumper pugnam intermiserunt et id quidem multi non gravate, qui malebant regem perditum, quam salvum, ac ideo minus fortiter pugnabant. Tunc Oxoniensis una in parte confertis manipulis, in hostes impetum renovat, et alii in parte altera, facto cuneo, una urgentes integrant pugnam’: ‘
When they heard this command, all his men crowded together and withdrew a short way from the battle. Their opponents as if terrified and suspecting a trick because of this, also stopped fighting for a short time – and many indeed not unwillingly, as they preferred the king lost rather than safe and so were fighting the less energetically. Then Oxford collected his companies together and renewed the attack on the enemy on one side, and others on the other side made a wedge and simultaneously pressed on and renewed the battle
.’ See also ‘The Rose of England’ printed in F.J. Child (ed.),
The English and Scottish Popular Ballads
, vol. III, pp. 331–3, the relevant section for the battle is printed in Bennett, p. 170. Compare Pizan in Willard and Willard, pp. 72–3. For Norfolk’s capture at the windmill by Savage, ‘Ladie Bessie’, p. 361. and also
Molinet
, vol. II, p. 408: ‘En ce conflit fut prins le duc de Norford avecq sons fils, et envoye au comte de Richemont, lequel le renvoya au seigneur d’Oxenfort, qui bientost le fit despescher’.

For Molinet’s comments regarding the Earl of Northumberland and other noblemen, J.A. Buchon (ed.),
Molinet
, vol II p. 408: ‘Le comte de Northombelland estoit, a l’aide du roi Richard, accompagne de dix mille
hommes qui debvoient charger sur les Francois; et ne fit rien; ains s’enfuit lui et sa compagnie, et abandonna son roi Richard’; p. 407: ‘Alors les grands seigneurs d’Angleterre eurent cause de metre main aux armes, non point pour secourir un roy, mais pour ester quittes de lui, et eux venger des torfaicts qu’il leur avoit faict.’; on Northumberland’s possible pact with Henry, p. 408: ‘car il avoit entendement avec le comte de Richemont, comme avoient plusieurs aultres qui le laisserent au besoing’. The Earl of Northumberland’s relations with Richard are examined in M. Hicks, ‘Dynastic change and northern society: the career of the Fourth Earl of Northumberland, 1470–89’,
Northern History
XIV (1978) and M. Weiss, ‘A Power in the North? The Percies in the fifteenth Century’,
Historical Journal
XIX, no.2 (1976). For Thomas Woodshawe, see R. Skinner, ‘Thomas Woodshawe, “Grasiour” and Regicide’,
The Ricardian
IX, no. 121 pp. 417–25.

Chapter 12: Our Victorious Field

On Richard’s burial, see J. Ashdown-Hill,
The Last Days of Richard III
(2011). On Newark: ‘Frowyk Chronicle’,
The Ricardian
X, no. 126, pp. 86–103. On deaths at Bosworth, L. Boatwright, ‘The Buckinghamshire Six at Bosworth’,
The Ricardian
XIII (2003) is a seminal work on how reconstruction of the fates of participants in the battle can be done, but see also Hampton, ‘John Hoton of Hunwick and Tudhoe, County Durham’, pp. 2–17 and Richmond, ‘1485 and all that’. Individual fates, injuries, rewards and petitions throughout this and subsequent chapters have been taken from Campbell,
Materials
. On Sir Gilbert Talbot, see
The Topographer and Genealogist
, vol. I (1846), p. 510. On rewards to Leicester for treating the wounded,
Materials
, vol. II, pp. 244–5, and William Altoftes, the king’s surgeon,
Materials
, vol. II, p. 159. For the injuries sustained at ‘Bosard felde’, see Bodleian Library Ashmole MS 1500, p. 206. On the Earl of Surrey, P. Hammond, ‘The Earl of Surrey after Bosworth’,
The Ricardian
X, no. 128 (1995). Henry’s order to seize the young Earl of Warwick is in Vergil, see D. Hay (ed.),
Anglia Historia 1485–1547
, p. 2. For William Bracher, see
CPR 1476–85
, pp. 366, 373, 390, 489. Sir James Harrington’s treatment is mentioned in Bodleian Library MS Add d.113 fo. 28.

Henry’s proclamation is printed in J. O. Halliwell-Phillips,
Letters
, vol. I (1846), pp. 169–70 and
Tudor Royal Proclamations
, ed. P.L. Hughes and J.F. Larkin (New Haven, 1964), vol. 1, p. 3. For Richard’s relationship with Westmorland, see
Paston Letters
, vol. VI, pp. 71–2, Harleian MS 433, vol. II, p. 205 and his fate after the battle, H.E. Salter,
Registrum Annalium Collegii Mertonensis
, Oxford Historical Society, 76 (1921), p. 71 and
Materials
, vol.
I, pp. 191, 196. William Berkeley is mentioned in
Calendar of Papal Registers
XIV 1484–92 (1960), pp. 17–21 and on his ambiguity, John Smith of Nibley,
The Berkeley Manuscripts
, pp. 127–8. William Catesby’s will is TNA PROB 11/7 Logge fo. 15, printed in D. Williams, ‘The hastily drawn up will of William Catesby, Esquire, 25 August 1485’,
Transactions of the Leicestershire Archaeological and Historical Society
51 (1975–6), pp. 43–51. Henry Tudor’s visit to Coventry is detailed in Griffiths and Sherborne (eds.),
Kings and Nobles in the Later Middle Ages
, pp. 194–5.

The reaction of the city of York to Richard’s death is in York City Archives, House Book, B 2/4 fo. 169v. Coton’s mission is described in D. Palliser’s article in Horrox (ed.),
Richard III and the North
(1986). Henry’s journey to London and reception by the city is covered by D. Hay (ed.),
Anglia Historia 1485–1547
, pp. 3–5 and in Corporation of London Journals IX fo. 84v, 87r. Rewards for supporters and followers fill the pages of
Materials
, vol. I. Oxford University’s letter to the Earl of Oxford is printed in H. Anstey (ed.),
Epistolae Academiae Oxon
(1844), pp. 498–501 and see
Great Chronicle
, p. 239. Henry’s proclamation of 24 September is printed in A. Raine,
York Civic Records
, vol. I, p. 125, and his letter to Henry Vernon on 17 October is in H. Kirke, ‘Sir Henry Vernon of Haddon’,
Journal of the Derbyshire Archaeological and Natural History Society
42 (1920), p. 12.

Chapter 13: Reward, Retribution and Reconciliation

Jasper Tudor’s creation ceremony is documented in BL Egerton MS 985 fos. 41v–42r. For the coronation banquet see also BL Egerton MS 985 fo. 45v and for the jousts fo. 48r. On international news of Richard’s death,
Calendar of State Papers, Milan
, ed. A.B. Hinds (London, 1912), vol. I, p. 247;
Calendar of State Papers, Venice
, ed. R. Brown (London, 1864), vol. I, p. 156 and
Calendar of State Papers, Spain
, ed. G.A. Bergenroth (London, 1862), vol. I, p. 1. The style of Henry’s title is recorded in
Rotuli Parliamentorum
, vol. VI, pp. 268–70. For the Act of Attainder see RP VI, p. 276. P. Cavill,
The English Parliaments of Henry VII 1485–1504
(Oxford, 2009) is a crucial guide to the 1484 Parliament. Roger Wake’s petition is taken from TNA C82/5.

On families torn apart by Bosworth, see J. Nichols,
The History and Antiquities of the County of Leicester
(London 1795–1815), vol. IV, p. 567. On the Kendal, Bourgchier, Charlton triangle,
Inquisitions Post Mortem Henry VII
, vol. III, no. 654,
CPR 1485–94
, p. 439,
Materials
, vol. I, p. 216. For the Beverstones, see I. Arthurson, ‘A Question of Loyalty’, pp. 404–5. The collection of revenues is discussed in Cavill, pp. 36–7.

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