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Authors: Odd Arne Westad

Tags: #Political Science, #International Relations, #General, #test

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IV. Record of Conversation, Stalin and Mao Zedong, December 16, 1949
Documents 4-7 show different stages of Mao Zedong's visit to Moscow in the winter of 1949/50. Document 4 is Mao's first conversation with Stalin, which took place in the Kremlin in the evening of December 16, right after the arrival of the Chinese delegation. Document 5 is Mao's conversation with the Soviet ambassador to China, Nikolai Roshchin, who had accompanied him to Moscow. Mao often used Roshchin as a sounding board for how to approach the Soviet leaders. Document 6 is one of Mao's telegrams to the CCP Politburo. Writing on January 2, Mao was probably too optimistic about Stalin's change of mind, but, as shown in Document 7, real negotiations did get going after Zhou Enlai's arrival on January 20.
After an exchange of greetings and a discussion of general topics, the following conversation took place:
Mao Zedong: The most important question at the present time is the question of establishing peace. China needs a period of three to five years of peace, which would be used to bring the economy back to prewar levels and to stabilize the country in general. Decisions on the most important questions in China hinge on the prospects for a peaceful future. With this in mind the CC CCP [Central Committee of the Communist Party of China] entrusted me to ascertain from you, Comrade Stalin, in what way and for how long will international peace be preserved.
Stalin: In China a war for peace, as it were, is taking place. The question of peace greatly preoccupies the Soviet Union as well, though we have already had peace for the past four years. With regards to China, there is no immediate threat at the present time: Japan has yet to stand up on its feet and is thus not ready for war; America, though it screams war, is actually afraid of war more than anything; Europe is afraid of war; in essence, there is no one to fight with China, not unless Kim Il Sung decides to invade China? Peace will depend on our efforts. If we continue to be friendly, peace can last not only five to ten years, but twenty to twenty-five years and perhaps even longer.
Mao Zedong: Since Liu Shaoqi's return to China, CC CCP has been discussing the treaty of friendship, alliance, and mutual assistance between China and the USSR.
Stalin: This question we can discuss and decide. We must ascertain whether to declare the continuation of the current 1945 treaty of alliance and friendship between the USSR and China, to announce impending changes in the future, or to make these changes right now. As you know, this treaty was concluded between the USSR and China as a result of the Yalta Agreement, which provided for the main points of the treaty (the question of the Kurile Islands, South Sakhalin, Port Arthur [Lushan], etc.). That is, the given

 

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treaty was concluded, so to speak, with the consent of America and England. Keeping in mind this circumstance, we, within our inner circle, have decided not to modify any of the points of this treaty for now, since a change in even one point could give America and England the legal grounds to raise questions about modifying also the treaty's provisions concerning the Kurile Islands, South Sakhalin,
etc.
This is why we searched to find a way to modify the current treaty in effect while formally maintaining its provisions, in this case by formally maintaining the Soviet Union's right to station its troops at Port Arthur while, at the request of the Chinese government, actually withdrawing the Soviet armed forces currently stationed there. Such an operation could be carried out upon China's request.
One could do the same with CCR [Chinese Changchun Railroad, which traverses Manchuria], that is, to effectively modify the corresponding points of the agreement while formally maintaining its provisions, upon China's request. If, on the other hand, the Chinese comrades are not satisfied with this strategy, they can present their own proposals.
Mao Zedong: The present situation with regard to CCR and Port Arthur corresponds well with Chinese interests, as the Chinese forces are inadequate to effectively fight against imperialist aggression. In addition, CCR is a training school for the preparation of Chinese cadres in railroad and industry.
Stalin: The withdrawal of troops does not mean that the Soviet Union refuses to assist China, if such assistance is needed. The fact is that we, as Communists, are not altogether comfortable with stationing our forces on foreign soil, especially on the soil of a friendly nation. Given this situation anyone could say that if Soviet forces can be stationed on Chinese territory, then why could not the British, for example, station their forces in Hong Kong, or the Americans in Tokyo? We would gain much in the arena of international relations if, with mutual agreement, the Soviet forces were to be withdrawn from Port Arthur. In addition, the withdrawal of Soviet forces would provide a serious boost to Chinese Communists in their relations with the national bourgeoisie.
Everyone would see that the Communists have managed to achieve what [Nationalist Chinese leader] Jiang Jieshi could not. The Chinese Communists must take the national bourgeoisie into consideration. The treaty ensures the USSR's right to station its troops in Port Arthur. But the USSR is not obligated to exercise this right and can withdraw its troops upon Chinese request. However, if this is unsuitable, the troops in Port Arthur can remain there for two, five, or ten years, whatever suits China best. Let them not think that we want to run away from China. We can stay there for twenty years even.
Mao Zedong: In discussing the treaty in China we had not taken into account the American and English positions regarding the Yalta Agreement. We must act in a way that is best for the common cause. This question merits further consideration. However, it is already becoming clear that the treaty should not be modified at the present time, nor should one rush to withdraw troops from Port Arthur.
BOOK: Brothers in Arms
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