Brown, Dale - Patrick McLanahan 06 (16 page)

 
          
“We
go way back, me and Martindale, so don’t worry about it, big guy,” Elliott
interrupted, watching Samson’s face turn puffy with anger. “We’ll have a good
meeting, and we’ll have all the right answers.”

 
          
“The
President
specifically
didn’t want
you for the
Iran
operation,” Samson said coldly, “because you have this knack for
stepping on toes, for sticking your face in where it doesn’t belong.
Apparently, retirement hasn’t mellowed you one bit.” He paused, then shook his
head. “The President asked only for Jon and Patrick. Sorry, Brad—I’m not going
to bring you into the meeting. I’ll mention to General Freeman that you’re on
board—he can notify the President.”

 
          
“Sheesh,
you make it sound like Jon hired Saddam Hussein to fly for him,” Elliott said
sarcastically. “I’m not trying to take over this operation, Earthmover. I
advise the kid here on how to design, build, and fly the Megafortress. That’s
all.”

 
          
Samson
ignored Elliott again and said to Masters and McLanahan, “Jon, Patrick, he’s
your man, so you deal with him. I’ll back you all the way, but it’s still my
opinion that Brad’s presence in the White House or the Pentagon will only hurt
your chances of getting this operation approved.”

 
          
“You
still haven’t told us what operation we’re being considered for, General,” Jon
Masters said. “What is it?”

 
          
“You’ll
be conducting a maritime reconnaissance operation in the Formosa Straits,”
Samson replied. “I’ll run it down.”

 
          
“Shit,
you don’t mean we’ll be working for Admiral ‘Tight-Ass’ Allen at Pacific
Command?” Elliott interjected wearily. “Man, I was glad to get out of the
service just so I didn’t have to listen to him bitch about the
Philippines
conflict. Now we’ve got to listen to him
again
? And with Balboa on as chairman of
the Joint Chiefs, we’ll spend half our time arguing over who’s got the bigger
cruise missiles.”

 
          
“You
still get your orders from me,” Samson said. “I report directly to Philip
Freeman at the White House, who will report to the NCA.”

           
“You just make sure Allen or Balboa
don’t try to snatch this mission,” Elliott said, admonishing Samson with that
cocksure grin again. “If they get control, they’ll screw it up for sure. We’ve
got to have maximum autonomy out there, and you know the squids aren’t going to
allow us to have it.”

 
          
“I’ll
take your
suggestion
under
advisement, Brad,” Samson said, his lips taut. Dammit, the guy was a real pain,
but he sure knew the score in
Washington
—Elliott had correctly guessed who would
probably be in the
real
chain of
command in this operation. “I signed for the Megafortresses when I took them
out of mothballs to let you characters play with them, and I picked Eighth Air
Force crews to fly them, so I think I’ll keep operational command. But if
you’re harboring any thoughts about maybe making the EB-52 an operational
weapon system, play nice with the rest of the kids in the pool. Follow me? Any
problem with that, Brad? Is that enough full disclosure for you?”

 
          
“No
problem, Earthmover, none whatsoever,” Elliott said. “Actually, I’m happy to
have you in the loop—even though you
are
responsible for eliminating all the BUFFs from the Air Force inventory. One of
the greatest aerial attack platforms ever devised, and you, of all people,
allowed it to be retired on your watch.”

 
          
“Let’s
not get into a discussion about who’s responsible for any good—or any
bad
—stuff happening in the Air Force or
the bomber world in recent history,” Samson growled, trying hard to control the
sudden flush of anger rising up from his chest. He knew his comment had hit
Elliott, but the bastard did not show it. Samson knew that Elliott knew that
the downfall of HAWC had put air weapon research and development back several
years and may have even ensured the downfall of the heavy bomber. So there was
plenty of blame to go around.

 
          
“The
bottom line is, boys, you got your chance to show what a modified B-52 bomber
can do,” Samson said. “Let me deal with
Washington
—I want you to loudly kick some ass out
there, then bring yourselves home in one piece.”

THE WHITE HOUSE OVAL OFFICE,
WASHINGTON
,
D.C.

FRIDAY, 30 MAY 1997
,
1827 HOURS ET

 
          
“Mr.
President, may I present Ambassador Kuo Han-min, the new representative of the
independent
Republic of China,” U.S.
Secretary of State Jeffrey Hartman announced, as he was ushered into the Oval
Office. Already in the room with the President of the
United States
, Kevin Martindale, were Vice President
Ellen Christine Whiting, National Security Advisor Philip Freeman, Secretary of
Defense Arthur Chastain, and White House Chief of Staff Jerrod Hale.
“Ambassador Kuo, the President of the
United States
, Mr. Kevin Martindale.”

 
          
The
two shook hands, Ambassador Kuo bowing deeply, then presenting his blue leather
credentials folder directly to the President. Kuo appeared a bit older than the
President, with thick dark hair, thick wire- rimmed glasses, and a thin frame.
“This is an honor for my country and for myself, Mr. President,” he said.

 
          
“Good
to see you again, Ambassador,” the President said, as he handed the folder to
Hartman. The two had met during a Republican Party fund-raiser in
Washington
a year earlier; Kuo Han-min had been a
Taiwanese high-tech aerospace industry trade lobbyist at the time, whose
organization had made several very large contributions to the Party to help
with Martindale’s election campaign. The President steered Kuo around, where several
White House photographers recorded the historic handshake—the arrival of the
first Taiwanese ambassador in
Washington
since the
United States
had broken diplomatic ties with the exiled
Nationalist Chinese government on
Formosa
in 1979 in favor of the Communist regime on
the mainland.

 
          
The
President made introductions to his other advisors in the room as the
photographers departed, then offered him a seat. “Unfortunately,” the President
began after everyone took seats, “our first meeting here has to be a working
one. We feel your country is in serious danger, and we’d like to fill you in as
quickly as possible as to what we know, and discuss what we should do about it.
Jeffrey, you spoke with
China
’s foreign minister just a few moments ago.
Bring us up to date.”

 
          
Hartman
stood behind one of the sofas surrounding the coffee table and said, “Foreign
Minister Qian of the PRC says that the movement of ships along the Chinese
coast is normal, preplanned activity. As far as any threats towards
Taiwan
, Qian says, in effect, ‘Mind your own
business.’ Any activities between the People’s Republic and Chinese Taipei, as
he continues to refer to the ROC, is a quote-unquote ‘internal matter.’ ”

           
“You told them to keep their hands
off the ROC until we can meet and talk about this?” the President asked. “We
just recognized the Republic of China’s independence, for Christ’s sake!
Attacking them now would be a slap in the face towards us.”

           
“In no uncertain terms, sir,”
Hartman replied. “I sent him your letter, which he had received, and explained
that the
United States
would consider any military action against
Taiwan
as a seriously destabilizing and overtly
hostile act, and would respond with any means at our disposal, including
military means, to help bring stability back to the region. I plan on meeting
with Foreign Minister Qian in
Beijing
in three days; hopefully I can get in to
see President Jiang as well.”

 
          
“Good,”
the President said. He stayed at his desk, quietly contemplating something,
then rose to his feet and started pacing the floor. “Ambassador Kuo, any
thoughts?”

 
          
“Sir,
President Lee Teng-hui of the Republic of China believes as you do—that an
invasion of
Quemoy
, the
Pescadores
,
Matsu
, or
even Formosa Tao is imminent,” Ambassador Kuo said. “He has ordered the
mobilization of reserves and arming the militia. He is standing firm—he is not
withdrawing any troops from
Quemoy
or
Matsu
. In fact, he is increasing them—he is
flying in a thousand additional troops a day to both islands, and is shipping in
additional air defense units. He has
_v
ordered the entire navy at sea
to counter the Communist fleet’s movements.” “You’re going to stand up to the
Chinese army?” Secretary of Defense Chastain asked incredulously. “Even if the
PRC doesn’t invade, your army could suffer substantial losses.”

 
          
“We
have made the decision to fight and die to the very last man, woman, and child
to maintain our independence,” Kuo said resolutely. “We must stand and fight,
or die as a country. We have chosen our way.” He paused for a moment, then
looked the President square in the eyes and said, “Our concern is not with the
Communists, but with the
United States
. You have declared your support for the
Republic of China, but we understand that there is much to be done before you
may legally recognize my country.”

 
          
“That’s
being taken care of, Mr. Ambassador,” the President said. “The bill we
sponsored repealing the 1979 Taiwan Relations Act comes up for a vote next
week, and we expect to be successful. Our support for the Republic of China is
firm and unwavering.”

 
          
“Yet
we understand that you risk much politically by such action,” Kuo said. “Your
country’s trade with the mainland could be in jeopardy— if the Communists shut
the
United States
out, it will cost you at least thirty billion
dollars a year. But worse than a trade war is the prospect of military action,
of a large Pacific conflict.”

           
“Ambassador, everyone wants trade
with
China
, so they all look the other way when
China
does something to one of its neighbors,”
the President said angrily. “My father died fighting the Chinese in
North Korea
when I was a kid—everyone forgets that war
and Chinas involvement. Everyone also forgets that we almost went to war
—nuclear
war—with Red China in 1955 over
their bombardment of
Taiwan
. I was a kid, just getting over the death
of my father in
North Korea
, when mainland
China
started shelling
Quemoy
—-Jesus, I thought World War Three was going
to start any day, that the Communists were going to sweep across the planet
just like we saw that red stain sweep across the globe in the propaganda films.
Throughout the sixties, Red China was just as much a threat as the
Soviet Union
—I remember
China
supporting
North Vietnam
and
China
imprisoning American POWs. The
Soviet Union
and
China
were both our hated enemies.

 
          
“The
death of Stalin and Maos break with the Soviets changed our strategy,” the
President went on. “In the rush to counterbalance the Soviet threat, we
embraced the Chinese Communist government and turned our backs on democratic,
capitalist governments like yours. No more. The
United States
is not going to wait patiently a hundred
years for mainland
China
to adopt a free-market society, and in the
meantime sit idly by while they destroy the Republic of China, gobble up oil
fields in the
South
China Sea
, refuse
to enforce international copyright laws, and threaten free trade with the rest
of
Asia
. America can’t put off the decision any
longer: we’re either for an independent, democratic Republic of China, or we’re
for the
hope
that mainland China will
keep Taiwan capitalist and free while they absorb you, like they’re absorbing
Hong Kong.”

 
          
“I
thank you, Mr. President,” Kuo said, bowing sincerely, “for your words and for
sharing your thoughts with me. But I must still ask about the political realities
of your decision; I apologize if I am too forward ...”

           
“Ask anything, Ambassador,” the
President urged.

           
“Thank you, sir. My government is
aware of the opposition party’s inquiries as to your actions against the
Islamic Republic of Iran, about the rumors that you sent a stealth bomber over
China
. Since that incident, you have withdrawn
all of your carrier battle groups from Chinese waters, despite the threat of a
Communist invasion of my country. Is there a threat of a no-confidence vote in
your congress or of any legal action that might preclude you from helping in
the defense of my country?”

 
          
“I
appreciate your concern, Ambassador,” the President replied, “but I think I can
handle the opposition party. Fortunately, it takes a lot more than a
no-confidence vote to get me out of office. Now I’ve got a couple blunt
questions for you, Han-min.”

 
          
“Of
course, sir,” Kuo responded. “Please.”

 
          
“We
are very concerned about the protests in your country over the
Senkaku
Islands
,” Secretary of State Hartman said. The
Senkaku
Islands
were a series of small, uninhabited islands
in the
East China
Sea
between
Okinawa
and
Taiwan
, which were claimed by
China
,
Japan
, and
Taiwan
;
Japan
had taken the islands from
China
in 1894 and had not relinquished possession
after World War II, as it had with
Formosa
.
Taiwan
claimed the Senkakus as part of its
archipelago. Diplomatic relations between the three countries had been strained
for years because of overlapping fishing and oil-drilling rights in the area.
“Japanese nationals have been attacked by protesters in
Taipei
, and no arrests have been made. It will be
difficult to support the ROC if we get in the middle of a Japan-Taiwan
conflict.”

 
          
Ambassador
Kuo thought for a moment; then: “Many in my country feel strongly that the
Tiaoyutai, what Japan calls the Senkaku Islands, be returned to us, that they
are spoils of war taken from us by imperial Japan.”

 
          
“We
understand the source of the disagreement, Ambassador, but a Japanese woman is
dead and seven more are injured, in the middle of a riot with over a thousand
protesters and two hundred police and army units, and no one saw anything? No
evidence? No suspects?” Vice President Whiting interjected incredulously. “It
looks like a huge cover-up, Mr. Ambassador. The Japanese government is hopping
mad, and they want us to set up an arms and technology embargo against your
country. We need definitive action immediately, or our Asian coalition will be
broken before it has a chance to solidify.”

 
          
“What
do you suggest, Madame Vice President?” Kuo asked.

 
          
“We
suggest your government ask for assistance from the American Federal Bureau of
Investigation,” Whiting replied, “and I also strongly suggest that you—and this
is totally off the record—round up some suspects and publicly arraign them, and
fast.
Let’s not be losing friends
over some small, uninhabited piles of rocks while you lose friendly neighbors
and your home island is in danger of being overrun.”

 
          
Kuo
lowered his eyes for a moment, then raised them and nodded. “We feel that the
Tiaoyutai is much more than a 'pile of rocks,’ Madame Vice President,” Kuo said
solemnly. “But you are correct—I understand that our inability to solve the
murder appears as if we condone it. I shall recommend that my government
request immediate assistance from your government in the investigation, and I
assure you that there will be swift action.”

 
          
“We
also need a statement from you on exactly when your country will discontinue
nuclear weapons development and begin dismantling your nuclear weapon
stockpiles,” Secretary of Defense Chastain cut in.

 
          
Kuo
swung toward Chastain, then to the President, with a look of horror in his
face. “Nuclear weapons?” he sputtered. “Sir, the Republic of China possesses no
nuclear weapons.”

 
          
“Our
intelligence information tells us otherwise, Ambassador,” National Security
Advisor Philip Freeman said. “According to our data, over the past fifteen
years you have been involved in a nuclear weapons coproduction effort with the
Republic
of
South Africa
, and our information suggests you may have
developed a warhead small enough to be used on a gravity bomb or cruise
missile.”

 
          
“I
most strenuously deny—! ”

 
          
“Don’t
bother responding, Ambassador—denials will only embarrass you,” Freeman went on
bitterly. “More recently, we’ve received information that you are sharing
nuclear-weapons information with
Israel
, and that you have a nuclear warhead on
some license-built versions of the Gabriel anti-ship cruise missile. Finally,
we received information from the JIO of the Australian Ministry of Defense that
you have been sharing nuclear and chemical weapons technology with
Indonesia
. Australia is so sure of its information
that it has considered a preemptive air strike on Indonesian weapons plants—and
some attacks on certain Taiwanese vessels suspected of carrying weapon-making
equipment into Indonesia.” Kuo’s eyes bulged at that news—he was completely
unable to contain his surprise. “If any of this news ever leaked out, Mr.
Ambassador, it would be a political disaster for the Republic of China and a
great embarrassment for the
United States of America
.”