Brown, Dale - Patrick McLanahan 09 (25 page)

 
          
“Calm
yourself, Mr. Minister,” Russian Federation Foreign Minister Ivan Ivanovich
Filippov said in stiff but very passable German. “
Albania
? What—?” He was at home, not even dressed
yet. He immediately ran out of the bathroom and flipped on the television.
Nothing on Russian TV on anything happening in
Albania
. What in hell was going on? “I. .. I cannot
comment on what has happened. Minister,” Filippov said. He couldn't confirm or
deny anything—nor would he, even if he could.

 
          
“I
want you to pledge to me, Mr. Minister, that these attacks have
ended
,,”
Schramm said. “No more attacks in the Balkans. You must promise me this is not
the prelude to an offensive in the Balkans.”

 
          
Filippov
was excitedly pressing his radio button that rang his aide's radio—there was no
answer. “I will not promise anything, Minister,” Filippov replied, winging it
as best he could. He did not want to say he didn't know what was going on, but
he didn't want to admit culpability, either. “
Russia
will act in its best interests. We will
never negotiate or deal that away. Never.” At that moment, his housekeeper
opened the door, and Filippov's aide came rushing in with a thin file. He saw
that the TV was on and switched it over to CNN International. Sure enough,
there was a remote broadcast from somewhere in
Macedonia
—it looked like a plane crash.

 
          
“What
I cannot understand is the attack on the NATO E-3 radar plane,” Schramm went
on. “Why did you attack the radar plane? Are you mad? NATO will certainly find
out it was
Russia
, and they will certainly retaliate!”

 
          
“We
categorically deny any such involvement!” Filippov retorted—it was an almost
automatic response to any such allegation, no matter how truthful it really
was. But he still gulped in surprise.
Someone shot clown a NATO radar plane?
This was tantamount to an act of war! “What will
Germany
do. Minister?” Filippov asked cautiously.
“You will participate in the investigation, of course. Has
Germany
already decided to punish
Russia
?”

 
          
“If
this is a prelude to an attack by
Russia
, Minister Filippov,” Schramm fumed, “
Germany
and NATO will stand firmly against you.”

 
          
Russian
Federation Foreign Minister Ivan Filippov suppressed a chuckle—he dared not
make fun of NATO or
Germany
’s part in it, no matter how ridiculous or
unrealistic it was. Schramm was in no position to threaten
Russia
w ith anything, let alone a unified NATO
response.

           
“Mr. Foreign Minister, again. I
assure you.
Russia
is committed to the peace and security of the entire Balkan region,”
Filippov said, still not confirming or denying any involvement in whatever was
going on. “
Russia
has been the target of many anti-NATO and anti-peacekeeper attacks in
recent weeks. We know for certain that the Multinational Security Brigade—
South, under German control, was their target again. We will act whenever we
see the threat is genuine.”

 
          
“Really?”
Minister Schramm remarked. “Why did you not share this information with us? A
combined Russian-German strike force would have been very effective and would
have undoubtedly waylaid the criticism you most certainly will have to endure
once word of this attack spreads.”

 
          
Filippov’s
head was still scrambling to catch up with the events swirling around him, but
he noted a very different note in Schramm’s voice—he wasn’t talking about the
incident anymore. His entire train of thought was moving in a completely
different direction, and it had nothing to do with confrontation. “I do like
the idea of
Russia
and
Germany
joining forces in the future,” Filippov said, “and I am glad you have
the courage and insightfulness to see the benefit of such a union.” There was a
slight but noticeable pause on the line: then: “I have long thought that the
entire Balkan conflict has been a great economic and political drain on all
concerned.” Schramm said. “The atrocities committed by both sides in this
conflict have been brutal and violent, and had to be stopped. But NATO and the
nonaligned nations have spent hundreds of millions of dollars trying to devise
a peaceful solution, and the violence seems worse than ever.”

 
          
“I
could not agree more. Minister.”

 
          
“But
what is the endgame here?” Schramm asked, the frustration evident in his voice.
“The factions in the Balkans have been fighting for centuries. There are acts
of total barbarism on both sides, but it seems that only the Christian acts of
violence against the poor Muslims are publicized in the world press. For some
reason, the Muslims became the underdogs, and the Americans seemed to come to
their rescue.”

           
“We have long spoke about the
possibility of why the Americans supported the Muslims,” Filippov offered,
“namely, to gamer support and friendship from the oil-rich Arab countries, in
hopes the Americans would be allowed to build land bases in
Persian Gulf
nations so they could move their expensive,
vulnerable aircraft carriers out of the Gulf. They were so afraid of
Iran
or
Iraq
sinking one of their carriers in the Gulf
that they made a deal with the devils in the deserts of
Arabia
to support their Muslim brothers in the
Balkans.”

 
          
“I
do not know the reason for why the Americans chose one side over the other,”
Schramm said, “But when
America
speaks, the rest of the world, especially
Europe
and NATO, must listen.”

 
          
“Nonsense,”
Filippov interjected. “
Germany
is not compelled to follow any nation, even
the
United States
. You have the fastest-growing and most
powerful economy in
Europe
, and your growth far exceeds any other
country in the world, even
America
.”

 
          
“In
any case.
Germany
has been forced to support a foreign policy that is not always in our
best interests,” Schramm went on cautiously. “We have been forced to stand back
and watch as our own peacekeepers harbor Muslim terrorists that attack fellow
Christians. Muslim bandits are now free to roam the Balkans, killing innocent
Christians, selling drugs under NATO protection, and are still receiving and
trading millions of marks in weapons from
Iran
and
Saudi Arabia
each year. It makes absolutely no sense at
all to me.”

 
          
“To
me as well. Minister,” Filippov said. “I agree with you completely. But we must
be careful.
Russia
’s action against Kukes was an emotional strike against terrorists. I
abhor violence, but I was glad to offer my support for the plan. We cannot let
the situation spin out of our control, however The Muslims will undoubtedly
retaliate against KFOR peacekeepers. We must be careful that we do not set
southern
Europe
ablaze simply because we wanted to avenge
our soldiers’ deaths.”

 
          
“The
danger is real, Mr. Filippov,” Schramm said. “Especially now, since the
United States
pulled out of KFOR.”

 
          
“I
agree. Minister,” Filippov said. “The only clear way of reducing tension in the
Balkans and salvaging our own national pride is to disengage from the brutal
but pointless course we have set for ourselves. The bloodlust between the rival
factions in the Balkans is not worth the life of one German or one Russian.”

 
          
“I
have long advocated constructive disengagement in the Balkans,” Rolf Schramm
said. “I never recommended anyone simply depart, like the Americans did—that
only creates a power vacuum that aggressors on all sides will seek to exploit
for themselves. The American president was exceedingly irresponsible in his
decision just to pull out of
Europe
as
he has done. But I have long pushed to find a way to develop a plan where our
forces can leave the battlefield but still remain involved and active in
steering the region to some sort of peaceful structure.”

 
          
“I
know you have, Minister—as leader of the opposition, I remember you were an
outspoken critic of the previous government always seeming to knuckle under to
the twisted politics and logic of the
United States
,” Filippov said. That was not entirely
true—there was no doubt Schramm was far to the right politically of his
predecessors, and he had made a few speeches in favor of getting out of the
Kosovo Force, but he was certainly no Willy Brandt or Helmut Kohl—his European
vision was limited to whatever it took for him to rise to his current office.
“What did Clinton or Martindale know of European geopolitics? All they cared
about was their legacy and their domestic political power base. They used the
crisis in the Balkans for their own gain. Now' that the Americans are gone, it
is up to
Germany
and
Russia
to take a leadership position in
Europe
.”

 
          
“Very
well said, Mr. Filippov: disengage from the fighting but still maintain a
presence in the region,” Schramm summarized. “The Americans tried and failed to
force a peace not just in the Balkans, but in the
Middle East
, the Indian subcontinent, even
Ireland
. Now that the Americans have turned tail
and run, we must take up the cause of peace and justice in our own land.”

 
          
“Very
well put, Minister,” Filippov said. “
Russia
is only concerned about one thing:
supporting our Slavic brothers against the growing wave of violence and anarchy
by Muslim separatists who seek to establish fundamentalist Islamic regimes in
majority Christian nations. We care nothing if Kosovo becomes an independent
republic or a Muslim enclave. But if they seek to trample the rights of
Christians to their historical landmarks and their ancestral lands, we have an
obligation to help. And if radical Islamic countries like Albania try to export
their brand of murder, terrorism, and intimidation on the smaller, weaker
oblasts in the Balkans, it is in our interests to resist those attempts by any
means necessary.”

 
          
“And
Germany wants only peace, security, stabilization, and freedom of commerce and
communications in the Balkans,” Schramm said. “We want our friends in Croatia
and Bosnia to be safe from harassment and civil rights violations by the
Muslims and Serb extremists. We wish no ill will toward the Serb people—we only
want all to coexist in peace. We must forget the historical animosities that
have ruined the peace in the Balkans for far too long.”

 
          
“I
heartily agree,” Filippov said warmly. “Russia pledges its support to assist in
these efforts. We want peace as much as Germany, and we have the political and
cultural ability to influence Serbian actions that are not in keeping with
peaceful resolution of conflicts. We can certainly help keep any radical Serb
elements from disturbing free trade and communications in the region.”

 
          
“That
would be a generous and most valuable contribution to peace,” Schramm said.
“But, sir, I feel there must be a quid pro quo. What can you suggest?”