Conceived in Liberty (164 page)

The government grew emboldened by the protests of the Hutchinson cabal at the treatment to his home, and was fooled by the tactical camouflage of Adams and the Boston Town Meeting in publicly repudiating the riot at Hutchinson’s. The Council therefore boldly ordered the arrest of Mackintosh—only to find that Adams, backed by the leading merchants of the city, promptly demanded Mackintosh’s immediate and unconditional release. If not, they warned, no one would stand guard in the whole town of Boston, and the customshouse would be pulled to the ground. The disillusioned rulers saw that Adams and the liberals were still fully in control of the town of Boston and of the hearts of its people. Ebenezer Mackintosh was set free and rewarded by the people of Boston with a town office.
*

No revolution advances in uniform, straight-line fashion; instead it always proceeds in zigs and zags. Adams and his allies saw clearly that it was now in order to slow down the movement. After all, the point had been beautifully made. Mass action had virtually forced the stamp master to resign, and intimidated any potential successor; it had intimidated the royal officers, Governor Bernard having been forced to flee to Castle William, where he was governor in name only; Mackintosh had been freed, and the whole process had placed
de facto
power in the hands of Adams and his allies. There was at this point no need for violent actions. All that needed to be done was to wait in readiness for the fateful day, November 1, when the Stamp Act would go into effect. A minor crisis occurred at the end of September, when Governor Bernard
received the stamped papers from England and housed them in Castle William. The Loyal Nine threatened to storm the castle and destroy the papers, but the group was mollified when the governor assured it that he had no power whatever to distribute the stamped papers.

Adams spent the intervening weeks constructively: perfecting his organization and strengthening his apparatus. The Loyal Nine expanded its organization into the Sons of Liberty, a name proudly taken from the great speech of Colonel Isaac Barré, which had warmly referred to the Americans by this noble name. The Sons of Liberty consisted of a cross section of the occupations of the town, from poor laborers to wealthy merchants. For its mass base, Adams induced the North End and the South End to channel their rambunctious energies into more constructive deeds, and united them to the Sons. For Guy Fawkes Day 1765, coming at a strategic time for the stamp tax, Adams prepared to hold a “Union Feast” celebrating the newfound unity of the two sections. Mackintosh was given a cadre of 150 militarily trained men to lead his mobs. The Sons of Liberty busied themselves by drawing up a list of Tory oligarchs whose homes might be sacked should the need arise.

Governor Bernard now placed his hopes on the Assembly, convening at the end of September. Remembering the Sugar Act agitation, Bernard believed that the rural farmers would again prove a conservative force. But he found, to his astonishment, that the stamp tax had truly radicalized and unified the whole colony. He wrote home that the rural people seemed even more violent than the annoying Bostonians: “They talk of revolting from Great Britain in the most familiar manner, and declare that... the British forces... never will subdue the inland.” Furthermore, Oxenbridge Thacher had died, and Bernard now found his nemesis Sam Adams in the House as leader of the liberal forces. To Bernard’s urging of the General Court to enforce the Stamp Act as the law of the supreme Parliament, the House replied firmly that only the Massachusetts Assembly had the right to tax and to make internal laws for the American colonies.

By mid-October, Governor Bernard was wailing to the Crown that Massachusetts was in a state of outright rebellion: the militia refused to obey his orders; “the real authority of the government is at an end; some of the principal ringleaders in the late riots, walk the streets with impunity; no officers dare attack them; nor Attorney General prosecute them; and no judges sit upon them.”

If Patrick Henry had sounded the clarion call for resistance, Sam Adams, the Loyal Nine, and the Sons of Liberty had now blazed the path for action. August 14 raised the standard for mass rebellion against the enforcers of the Stamp Act.

*
The “class-struggle” view that the Boston riots were lower-class outbursts directed against “the rich” is rebutted by the multiclass nature of the liberal movement. Wealthy merchants backed and even participated in the mob violence, which was directed only against
those particular
men of property engaged in enforcing British policy. The latter, not the “rich” or “the merchants,” virtually constituted the ruling oligarchy of the colony. See Brown,
Middle-Class Democracy,
pp. 214ff.

The question now arose: Would Boston remain isolated and hence fall victim to English might? Would Massachusetts be vulnerable as the only colony to take the issue to the streets and rebel against British power? Or would the bulk of the American colonies follow and press on to victory?

The question was soon answered. As soon as the inspiring news of August 14 was heard, Rhode Island, always libertarian, always indomitable, leaped to follow Boston’s example. Rhode Island, enjoying a flourishing and extensive trade, had been spared the burdens of an executive oligarchy chosen by Britain. Its governors were popularly elected and were fully as hostile to British tyranny as the populace. Aside from a few royal appointees, such as the customs collector and naval officers, the wrath of Rhode Islanders was directed against the ultra-Tory Newport Junto, which had petitioned for an end to Rhode Island’s charter as a home-rule colony.

Agitation began in earnest on August 24, when William Goddard published a special “extraordinary” issue of the
Providence Gazette.
It was an all-resistance issue. On the masthead were inscribed two mottoes: “Vox Populi, Vox Dei” and “Where the Spirit of the L
ORD
is, there is L
IBERTY.”
Articles filled the issue attacking the British regulations, stamp masters, and Jared Ingersoll (the Connecticut stamp master), and praising the Boston rebels. The issue also reprinted the hard-hitting resolves of the Providence Town Meeting, which denied Parliament’s right to tax the colonies, and urged indemnification of all Rhode Island officials refusing to obey the Stamp Act. Moreover, the mob actions in Boston, as well as in New London and Norwich, Connecticut, were described in loving detail. Two days later, the
Newport Mercury
acquainted its readers with the mob actions in Boston and Connecticut.

On August 27, the people of Rhode Island followed in the footsteps of Boston: Massachusetts was no longer isolated. Leading the action were three prominent merchants of Newport: the educated William Ellery, Robert Crook, and Samuel Vernon. On the morning of the 27th, a mob of Newporters marched through the streets carrying three effigies with halters around their necks, and finally hanging them upon the gallows in front of the town courthouse. Guarding the scaffold were the three leading merchants of Newport, carrying clubs. The three marked men hanging in effigy were carefully selected, all members of the Newport Junto: Augustus Johnston, appointed stamp distributor for Rhode Island; Martin Howard, Jr.; and Dr. Thomas Moffat. Their effigies were appropriately and suggestively strung together. Hung with the effigies was a copy of a song beginning with the warning verse:

He who for a Post or Base sordid Pelf,

His Country betrays, makes a Rope for himself.

Of this an Example for you we Bring

In these Infamous Rogues, Who in Effigy Swing.

The three marked men quickly took the hint: Moffat fled town, and Howard and Johnston fled to the safety of the British ship
Cygnet
in the harbor, where they were joined by the hated customs collector John Robinson. For Robinson knew, as he put it, “the disposition of the people towards all King’s officers.” The crowd then cut down the effigies and burned them in a bonfire.

Nothing more was done that night, and the Tories returned to a supposed calm. But the next day news of the second great Boston riot reached the Newporters, who determined not to lag in the libertarian cause. That evening, a group of men headed by Samuel Crandall buffeted Robinson a bit on the street. When the group was then arrogantly chastised by Martin Howard, he thereby provided the needed spark for provoking the Newporters into direct action. A mob quickly gathered and gave Howard’s house the treatment that their Boston confreres had meted out to Hutchinson’s.

The mob had tasted action. They proceeded to the houses of their other mortal enemies. Dr. Moffat’s house was razed. Each house, in turn, of the British and Tory leaders was visited, and each of the men was eagerly sought by the mob. But all of them had escaped to the
Cygnet.
Augustus Johnston wanted to stand fast, but thought better of it and fled when informed that the crowd would present him with a choice of resigning his post or being lynched on the spot. Johnston’s house was visited, and only spared when his friends assured the mob that the absent stamp distributor would resign his office the next day.

The revolutionary upsurge of August 28 proved brilliantly effective. His friends and family threatened as well as himself, Johnston kept his pledge
and resigned his post the next day. Howard and Moffat decided to leave the dust of Newport behind them and sail back to England without even returning to shore.

Thus, by August 29, the people of Newport had succeeded in forcing the stamp distributor to resign and the two leaders of the Newport Junto to leave the colony. But some of the mob now threatened to get out of hand. John Webber, a young Englishman recently arrived in Rhode Island, had actually led the mob the night before, and he now wanted more action. Webber began to insult the very merchants who had induced him to lead the previous night’s riot. Apprehensive of potential blind violence by Webber and some of the mob, the other leaders turned Webber over to the
Cygnet
as a kind of sacrificial offering.

This betrayal of their former comrade to the British was a grave tactical as well as moral error by Ellery, Vernon, and others, who were soon to form the Newport Sons of Liberty. Webber’s followers among the mob gathered quickly and threatened immediate destruction of the houses of the betrayers if Webber were not released. Faced with the prospect of a dose of their own medicine, Ellery, Vernon, and the others capitulated, and told the naval officers that Webber was not guilty of leading the riots. The triumphant Webber, back ashore, resumed his bravado and continued to threaten destruction of the houses of the Sons of Liberty leaders.

The Sons of Liberty leadership was now thoroughly frightened of a mob commanded by the aimless, hotheaded Webber. They offered bribes to Webber but to no avail. A threat of armed self-defense by the leaders got the mob to disperse that night, but the next day Webber returned to the attack, threatening plunder and destruction. Finally, none other than Augustus Johnston saved the day by courageously seizing Webber and carting him off to jail. The mob surprisingly did not react, and for a while Newport was safe from the wanton destruction threatened by John Webber.

The stamp distributor had resigned, but the hated and inflexibly dictatorial John Robinson still remained, although aboard the
Cygnet.
The morning after the riot, Samuel Crandall sent a message to Robinson offering him something like the old pre-1764 arrangement of annual bribes to the customs officials for allowing the merchants freedom of trade. Crandall also demanded the return from Halifax of the sloop
Polly
and her cargo of molasses, seized the previous spring by Robinson and his aides. In return for Robinson’s agreement he would also be guaranteed protection ashore from the wrath of the people.

Robinson reacted in characteristic fashion: by ordering the arrest of Crandall and offering $100 reward for information leading to the arrest and conviction of any other rioters. The people of Newport would not be intimidated: the sheriff returned the warrant for arrest, stating that such was impossible to execute except at the risk of his life in the current popular climate; and no one appeared to serve as paid informer upon his colleagues.

Robinson now appealed to Governor Samuel Ward to guarantee his protection ashore and to arrest Crandall. But Ward, in obvious sympathy with the rebels, had left town during the rioting and now kept suavely assuring Robinson that all was calm, that no one was in danger, and that Crandall was a peaceful citizen. However, the merchants of Newport found themselves presented with a grave problem that was soon, in different form, to plague all the colonies when the stamp tax came into force. For if Robinson remained on the ship with the customshouse closed, no ship leaving port could have official clearance papers. And without clearance papers, any ship was subject to seizure on the high seas by the British fleet. The British navy, dedicated to the Crown and unchecked on the seas by the American populace, loomed as the preeminent menace to mercantile trade. Within a week, therefore, Ward provided Robinson with a bodyguard and the customshouse opened once more.

The port might be open, but as November 1 approached, John Webber remained in jail, a constant potential of trouble to the citizens of Newport. The sheriff, indeed, was repeatedly threatened with harm if Webber were not released. On November 1, the Sons of Liberty organized a peaceful demonstration against the Stamp Act, taking care to avoid any mob violence that might be channeled into a movement to free John Webber. A mock “grand funeral of Freedom” was organized that day, with Old Freedom arising triumphantly from its coffin. When no rescue party came, Webber, now two months in jail, tried to commit suicide in his cell. This attempt touched off a rather feeble effort to rescue Webber, resulting in but two of his followers being arrested. The Webber threat was over, but from that time on, the Sons of Liberty made sure of tight control over any direct mass action in Newport.