Demonic (42 page)

New York Times
reporter Brooks Atkinson wrote glowing reports about Mao, describing the Chinese Communist Party, which would go on to murder 78 million people, as an “agrarian or peasant democracy.” He reported that Mao was not a communist but simply objected to China’s “lack of democracy.” Calling the communist city of Yan’an “a Chinese Wonderland City,” he raved about how the soldiers provided for themselves “without imposing any burden on the people.”
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By contrast, Atkinson said our ally, the anti-communist Chiang Kai-shek, operated “a moribund, corrupt regime that is more concerned with maintaining its political supremacy than driving the Japanese out of China.”
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Meanwhile, Soviet agents working for the Roosevelt and Truman administrations (Harry Dexter White, Solomon Adler, and Lauchlin Currie), as well as Soviet sympathizer John Stewart Service, conspired to send damaging information back to Washington about Chiang Kai-shek. Most damagingly, they blocked a crucial gold shipment to Chiang’s Nationalist government as it was being besieged by Mao’s communists.

American liberals were hysterically opposed to war with Germany—as long as Stalin was allied with Hitler. Only when Germany attacked Mother Russia were these stone-cold pacifists seized with war fever.

Back in the halcyon fifties, Democrats were merely obtuse about communist dictatorships. For example, Truman’s secretary of state Dean Acheson casually announced at the National Press Club in January 1950 that America would not defend South Korea—leading, like night into day, to a Soviet-backed invasion from the North five months later.
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But by 1970, Robert Scheer—later a Democratic candidate for Congress and a longtime
Los Angeles Times
columnist—would return
from a fact-finding mission to North Korea proclaiming he had seen the future that works.
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Key Obama advisers Bernardine Dohrn and William Ayers, frequent
New York Times
contributor Todd Gitlin, and future Democratic officeholder Tom Hayden openly supported a communist takeover of Southeast Asia. They were given warm audiences with Cambodian and Vietnamese communists in Cuba—as well as with Democrats in Congress.

By the early seventies, the whole Democratic Party was getting mouthier about defending communist mobs around the globe. For years, liberal Democrats in Congress had been trying to amend spending bills with resolutions that would cut off all aid to the anti-communist governments of Cambodia and Vietnam. This wasn’t about ending the war: Nixon had negotiated a cease-fire in 1973, and there hadn’t been an American soldier in Vietnam for two years. Our allies in South Vietnam and Cambodia only needed material support to hold off the communist onslaught.

But when massive Democratic majorities swept Congress after Nixon’s resignation in August 1974, there was nothing Republicans could do to prevent them from betraying our allies and handing Southeast Asia over to totalitarian monsters. The Democrats’ very first act in the new 1975 Congress was to cut off all aid to Vietnam and Cambodia, guaranteeing a communist sweep of Southeast Asia.
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Republicans frantically warned that cutting off aid would lead to wholesale slaughter, but Democrats turned a blind eye, refusing to send even ammunition to the besieged Cambodians and South Vietnamese. Senator John Kerry (D-MA) dismissed Republican arguments as “anti-communist hysteria.” Congressman Tom Downey (D-NY) said, “The administration has warned that if we leave there will be a bloodbath. But to warn of a new bloodbath is no justification for extending the current bloodbath.” Then-congressman Christopher Dodd (D-CT) said the “greatest gift our country can give to the Cambodian people is peace, not guns. And the best way to accomplish that goal is by ending military aid now.”

This would be like suggesting that the best way to help a woman being raped is to give her a little privacy.

The Democrats’ foreign policy bigwig, Anthony Lake, wrote a
column in the
Washington Post
urging American support for the Khmer Rouge, which he touted as more “nationalist” than “communist.”
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Admired for his sage advice, Lake later served in both the Carter and Clinton administrations.

Backed by the Soviets, the North Vietnamese launched a major offensive, in violation of the 1973 Paris Peace accords. Without the material support promised by the United States under the accords, South Vietnam’s brave army couldn’t match the Soviet-backed North Vietnamese. But the Democrats respected the peace accords as much as the Vietcong did—so communist hordes swept through South Vietnam.

Weeks before the North Vietnamese had completely vanquished the South—whereupon they executed tens of thousands of South Vietnamese—a pro-Vietcong propaganda film,
Hearts and Minds
, won best feature documentary at the Oscars. At the ceremony, the producers, Peter Davis and Bert Schneider, praised the coming “liberati[on]” and read a letter of thanks from the Vietcong to “our friends in America.” For this, they received a standing ovation. (Bob Hope immediately drafted a disclaimer on behalf of the Academy that was then read by Frank Sinatra, over the strenuous objection of Shirley MacLaine.)
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When the Democrats cut off aid to the Cambodian government, Pol Pot’s Khmer Rouge constituted less than one percent of the population. By September of 1975, they had triumphed and the wanton slaughter had begun.
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In the next two years, communists in Vietnam and Cambodia would kill about 2.7 million Southeast Asians—far more than had died throughout the entire fifteen years of the Vietnam War. With the advantage of Pol Pot’s having studied in Paris, his slaughter was the more prodigious: He murdered an estimated 1.7 Cambodians—nearly a quarter of the population.
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Years later—after even the
New York Times
had acknowledged the carnage—liberal icon Noam Chomsky was still defending the Khmer Rouge, maintaining that Pol Pot had murdered just a “few thousand” Cambodians,
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and noting its “constructive achievements for much of the population.”
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The skulls tell a different story.

It’s not just communists whom liberals admire; they defend all mobs. Princeton professor Richard Falk cheered the downfall of the shah of Iran, writing in the
New York Times
in February 1979 that the Ayatollah
Khomeini had been “defamed,” and mocking claims that he would “turn the clock back 1,300 years, with virulent anti-Semitism, and with a new political disorder, ‘theocratic fascism,’ about to be set loose on the world.” To the contrary, Falk said, Khomeini would “provide us with a desperately needed model of humane governance for a third-world country.”
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These days, Falk, who is still at Princeton, is a prominent 9/11 truther and a UN “Rapporteur” on “human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967.” So he wasn’t just naive back in 1979—he’s still defending Khomeinist proxies.

Amazingly, just a few years before Ronald Reagan achieved the final victory over Soviet communism, “Conscience of the Senate” Teddy Kennedy was sending secret messages to Soviet leader Yuri Andropov complaining about Reagan. Kennedy said how “very impressed” he was with Andropov, while decrying “Reagan’s belligerence.” The communist bootlicker asked for pointers on responding to Reagan’s “propaganda,” particularly any tips on Reagan’s vulnerabilities. Most perplexing for the Soviets must have been Kennedy’s suggestion that Andropov embark on an American media tour to counter Reagan, with Kennedy proposing interviews with Walter Cronkite or Barbara Walters.
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American liberals not only defend each successive iteration of the French Revolution around the globe, they try to imitate it at home. No matter how many carcasses pile up, liberals simply cannot shake their belief that government is the key to improving the human condition.

It’s striking how uniform the playbook is. Totalitarians use mobs to seize power, impose their theories on the populace for the good of humanity, and then set about exterminating a lot of that humanity. Each new set of reformers never notices that the last mob claiming to be fighting for “the people” ended up killing the people.

Or perhaps they notice, but it doesn’t bother them because they view humans as nothing but raw material for their schemes. The chilling phrase “You can’t make an omelet without breaking eggs” is attributed to both Lenin and Robespierre
(On ne fait pas d’omelette sans casser des oeufs)
. Rousseau’s successors discern no spark of divinity in humans; they believe man achieves moral stature only through the government.

A mob can’t be fired up by promises of gradual, incremental change based on individual rights and voluntary transactions. There must be promises of grand social transformation overnight. It’s the serpent’s lie from the Garden of Eden: “Your eyes will be opened, and you will be like God” (Genesis 3:1–6).

No matter how mad the plan is—Fraternité, the “New Soviet Man,” the Master Race, the Great Leap Forward, the Cultural Revolution, Building a New Society, ObamaCare—a mob will believe it. Time and again, the world has to relearn Michael Oakeshott’s rule: “The conjunction of ruling and dreaming generates tyranny.”

One of the main theoreticians of the French Revolution was Saint-Just. His utopian plan was that men should be only soldiers or farmers. Children would be taken from their parents at a young age and turned into “an army of robots,” as historian Erik Durschmied says. Women were irrelevant to Saint-Just’s plan.
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Saint-Just, Robespierre, Desmoulins, and the rest had their disagreements, but they couldn’t have cared less what the French people wanted. This tiny group of fanatics would impose its program on the entire country. As with Obama and his national health care, they would suppress freedom to enact the “general will.”

Hitler did everything in the name of the mob he dubbed “Das Volk.” In
Mein Kampf
, he declared “war against the order of things which exist, against the structure of the world which presently exists.”
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He denounced both Bolshevism and Christianity as Jewish conspiracies.

As is common to mob movements, the Nazis’ new order would require elimination of the Christian Church—messianic government doesn’t like competition. As Joseph Goebbels explained: “The insanity of the Christian doctrine of redemption really doesn’t fit at all into our time.”
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Sounding remarkably like the French revolutionaries, the Nazis demanded that priests and ministers swear loyalty to the state and its Fuhrer. In 1935, Heinrich Himmler prohibited SS officers from being members of religious organizations or even participating in services, in or out of uniform.

Reminiscent of France’s “Cult of Reason,” the Nazis planned to replace Christianity with the “Reich Church,” based on a 30-point plan drawn up by Nazi leader Alfred Rosenberg. Crosses were to be stripped
from churches, cathedrals, and chapels and replaced by the swastika. Bibles, crucifixes, and saints would be forbidden from the altars, which would instead display a copy of
Mein Kampf
and a sword.
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(If they had thought of it, they might have put Christ in a jar of urine.)

A century earlier, Heinrich Heine had observed that Christianity had only “mitigated that brutal German love of war,” not extinguished it. But should the cross be destroyed, he said, the “insane Berserk rage of which Nordic bards have spoken and sung so often, will once more burst into flame.” And when it did, “A play will be performed in Germany which will make the French Revolution look like an innocent idyll.”
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Again in Russia, we find a tiny group of zealots—calling themselves “the majority” (Bolsheviks)—who planned to control everything from a central authority. Lenin wrote most of the “scientific” program for a dictatorship of the proletariat in Russia, which was then debated and modified by other communist leaders. Socialism had to be imposed from above, by educated elites. There would be no from-the-bottom-up modifications. And so a small group of men spent their time banging out grand theories for how to control every aspect of a gigantic nation, down to setting prices for 24 million different goods.
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In Cambodia, the communist Khmer Rouge’s first order of business was to empty the cities for the new back-to-nature agricultural plan. The millions of Cambodians who lived in cities—about half the population—were given 24 hours to leave their homes. Within a week the cities were emptied. Then the planners congratulated themselves on having solved “the ancient antagonism between urban and rural areas.” As in France, it was a new world—it was “Year Zero.”

Next, the Cambodian planners turned to the destruction of religion, commerce, education, and parental authority. Young people were taken from their parents to be raised in communes. Money was abolished in a week. As with the ludicrous French calendar, workers were allowed one day off every ten days. Religion was inconsistent with the program, so nearly half of all Catholics were exterminated and the cathedral in Phnom Penh reduced to rubble.
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Buddhist monks were slaughtered and their temples destroyed.

The details of totalitarian regimes may vary, but the inspiration is always the same Rousseauian fantasy: A select group of elites with
absolutely no grasp of human nature will figure out the program, inflexibly impose it on the people, and thereby regenerate mankind. You will note the similarities in all these totalitarian plans to many of the Democrats’ schemes.