Emperor of Japan: Meiji and His World, 1852’1912 (43 page)

Chapter 21

When Emperor Meiji left Ky
ō
to in 1869 for his second visit to T
ō
ky
ō
, the people of Ky
ō
to interpreted this as an omen that the capital would be shifted from their city to the east. They were reassured by Iwakura Tomomi’s insistence that the location of the capital would not be changed, but their fears flared up again when it became known that the empress also was planning to go to T
ō
ky
ō
. Many people in Ky
ō
to were now convinced there was a real danger that the capital would be moved despite official denials, and they gathered at shrines to pray for divine intercession to keep the empress from leaving the city. So great was the consternation aroused by the prospect of the emperor and empress no longer residing in Ky
ō
to that local officials feared conspirators might organize mass protests. If that happened, there was no telling what untoward events might stem from the people’s turbulent emotions.
¹
Only by exerting all their powers of persuasion were local officials able to calm the residents of the capital.

Whether or not the citizens of Ky
ō
to were justified in interpreting the empress’s departure for T
ō
ky
ō
as a sign that a change of capital was imminent, on November 8, 1869, the empress’s palanquin left the Gosho, protected by guards drawn from four domains and headed for T
ō
ky
ō
. She arrived nineteen days later after a pleasant journey. Apparently quite at home in her new surroundings, she soon afterward gave a party at the Fukiage Garden for senior officers of the government.
²

Earlier in 1869 when Emperor Meiji was about to leave for his second visit to T
ō
ky
ō
, the people of Ky
ō
to had been informed that he would return to their city in April or May of the following year and would celebrate his Daij
ō
-e
³
there in the winter of that year. This announcement had quieted their anxiety, only for them to be informed in the spring of 1870 that the emperor’s return to Ky
ō
to had been unavoidably delayed because of unsettled conditions in parts of the country and the pressure of state business. A year later, on May 15, 1871, it was announced that the Daij
ō
-e would be performed in T
ō
ky
ō
instead. On May 24 Major Counselor Tokudaiji Sanetsune was sent as a special envoy to Ky
ō
to to report to the tomb of Emperor K
ō
mei that conditions in the world and an increased burden of state duties had compelled the emperor to postpone his return to Ky
ō
to. Tokudaiji also visited the empress dowager and informed her that the emperor’s return to Ky
ō
to would be delayed for several years.
⁴

The emperor did not in fact return to Ky
ō
to (except for brief visits) until 1877. At no point was it officially announced that the capital was now T
ō
ky
ō
and not Ky
ō
to. All the same, when Meiji at last returned to Ky
ō
to, his journey was characterized as
gy
ō
k
ō
, a going away from his residence, rather than as
kank
ō
, a return to his residence, the term used when he returned to Ky
ō
to from T
ō
ky
ō
in 1868.
⁵
By 1877 T
ō
ky
ō
was functionally the capital of Japan, not only because it was the seat of the emperor and all organs of the government, but also because the foreign legations were situated there. However, the government hesitated to make this official, perhaps fearing the reactions of the people of Ky
ō
to. Meiji would be buried in Ky
ō
to, and the coronation of his son, Emperor Taish
ō
, would also take place there in 1915, suggesting the persistence of the belief that in certain respects anyway, Ky
ō
to was still the capital. It might even be argued, in the absence of a proclamation to the contrary, that Ky
ō
to remains to this day the capital of Japan.

The official explanation of why Meiji could not return to Ky
ō
to stressed the urgency of the state business. This was not necessarily untrue, but it is difficult to discover what precisely the emperor’s role was in the many changes occurring. The entries in the chronology of his reign that specifically refer to the emperor most often describe the number of times he mounted a horse or the progress of his studies in the Chinese classics.

Riding had become a passion with him. At one time he was spending every other day mainly on a horse. Even those who recognized the desirability of physical fitness felt that the young emperor was devoting too much time to horses. When the
gij
ō
Nakamikado Tsuneyuki (in Ky
ō
to at the time) learned how frequently the emperor was riding, he sent a letter to Iwakura Tomomi suggesting that he be restricted to six days a month.
⁶
Although the recommendation seems to have had some effect, the emperor’s enthusiasm for riding continued unabated.

Meiji’s studies at his time were concentrated on the orthodox books of Confucianism, but he also had instruction in the
Records of Japan
from Hirata Nobutane, the grandson of Hirata Atsutane, the Shint
ō
apologist.
⁷
His chief tutor, Motoda Nagazane, first appeared before Emperor Meiji on July 17, 1871.

Motoda was born in Kumamoto in 1818. His family was of middle-level samurai status, and he grew up in comfortable circumstances. At the age of fifteen, he determined to study the teachings of the sages and in this way serve his country. Before he reached twenty, he had become friendly with various scholars, including Yokoi Sh
ō
nan, and studied Neo-Confucian texts with them. As early as 1847 he expressed to his father his basic philosophical conviction:

It hardly needs repetition, but the Way of the subject resides in loyalty and filial piety. The way of loyalty and filial piety consists in making clear the principles. The only way to make the principles clear lies in practical learning [
jitsugaku
]. Everything apart from practical learning is empty language and corrupt Confucianism and, for this reason, is inadequate to make clear the principles. At present I am serving you, my father, with this practical learning. If I should aspire some day to serve his lordship, it would be with practical learning.
⁸

The present-day meaning of
jitsugaku
is “practical learning” (such as engineering or medicine), as opposed to theoretical or philosophical knowledge, but this was not the meaning in Motoda’s day. The term goes back as far as Chu Hsi (1130–1200) and originally referred to Confucian studies which, unlike Buddhism or Taoism, stressed the importance of attaining the highest moral virtue not as a goal in itself but because it enabled a man to be of service to the state. In later times the meaning shifted somewhat but, however interpreted, always stressed the unity of thought and action.
⁹
It can easily be seen that this kind of philosophy, rather than the more abstract considerations of some Confucianists, was well suited to the ruler of a modern state.

Fearing that Motoda’s association with a school of Confucianism frowned on by the daimyo of the domain might block his advancement, Motoda’s father asked him to give up
jitsugaku
. Motoda at first refused, but the various illnesses that afflicted him and other members of his family at this time caused him to drift away naturally from his teacher, and this led to a reconciliation with his father.
¹⁰
In 1858 Motoda succeeded his late father as adviser to the daimyo of the Kumamoto domain, and when that daimyo died, he accompanied his successor to Edo in 1860. He became actively involved in politics. At first, under the influence of Yokoi Sh
ō
nan, he favored a policy of “respect the emperor and open the country,” a liberal position for someone who is generally thought of as a hidebound conservative.

At the time of the first Ch
ō
sh
ū
war, Motoda served with the troops of the Kumamoto domain, in keeping with his profession of
k
ō
bu gattai
, but he opposed participation in the second Ch
ō
sh
ū
war. The Kumamoto domain, disregarding his advice, sent troops into combat. They suffered severe losses, which served to enhance Motoda’s reputation as a judge of the political situation. He steadily rose in position. In 1871 he was appointed as the tutor (
jidoku
) to the Kumamoto daimyo, now known as the governor, and joined him in T
ō
ky
ō
.
¹¹

Those who heard Motoda’s lectures at this time commented on the passion with which he delivered them. Unlike many Confucian scholars, he emphasized not individual phrases but broader themes that truly served to cultivate the mind. A disciple who first heard him lecture in 1871 recalled,

He would cite many vital examples from ancient and recent times, to such good effect that in the end we not only understood the texts but could not help but being moved to the depths of our hearts. Motoda’s every action seemed to be inspired by a desire to follow the Way of the sages. To us young people, everything about him—his speech and actions, his appearance and his attitude—seemed absolutely splendid. We thought of him as a perfect jewel without a flaw. But there was nothing the least unnatural or stiff about him: his imposing air was combined with an indescribable affection and warmth.
¹²

About this time, Motoda composed a memorial concerning the court to be presented by the governor as his own views. Though brief, it was highly admired:

At the time of the Restoration the reason why evil men close to the throne boldly manifested rebellious intent was that the imperial authority had not yet been displayed. The reason why the imperial authority had not yet been displayed was that imperial rule had in fact yet to be carried out. From this time forward, I pray that His Majesty the emperor deign to attend the Hall of Audiences, where ministers will address and debate bills in his presence. If all state affairs are personally decided by the emperor, a just and honorable form of stable government will come into being, and people will for the first time revere it from their hearts. The failure of the provinces to submit to political guidance is to be attributed to the failure to obtain the proper kind of provincial officials. Men of talent should be appointed, and they should spread political education throughout the country. Governors who, like myself, have succeeded to their posts because of lineage should be eliminated. For this reason I respectfully request that I be relieved of my post.
¹³

The proposal contained two important points. The first was the desirability of having legislation discussed in the presence of the emperor, who would personally decide whether it should be adopted. It has often been noted that Meiji religiously attended cabinet and similar meetings, even those not of great importance. The emperor’s dedication to duty, exemplified by his constant attendance at such gatherings, was probably inspired by Motoda. The second point—the need to end hereditary succession to high offices—was not quickly realized.

Motoda’s plan, praised by all who saw it, eventually reached
Ō
kubo Toshimichi, who was so impressed that he promised to call it immediately to the emperor’s attention.
Ō
kubo was also looking for a tutor for the emperor and asked the governor of Kumamoto about Motoda’s character. The governor replied that he was unable to say whether Motoda was the best man for the position, but he could certainly vouch for his character. Thanks to this recommendation, Motoda was appointed on June 30, 1871, as the emperor’s tutor. He delivered his first lecture before the emperor on July 21 on the
Analects
.
¹⁴
From then on, he delivered twelve lectures each month on the
Analects
and later on
Nihon gaishi
.
¹⁵
Motoda continued to lecture before the emperor until his death in 1891.

When first informed that he had been chosen to be the emperor’s tutor, Motoda was astonished and expressed doubts about his qualifications. He believed he was already too old (at fifty-three) to be an effective member of the government, contrasting himself with men in their early forties like Saig
ō
Takamori,
Ō
kubo Toshimichi, Kido Takayoshi, and Itagaki Taisuke, who had already made names for themselves in the new government. He suggested younger men for the post, sure that he would disgrace himself if appointed, and he announced his intention of returning to Kumamoto.
¹⁶
But Shimotsu Ky
ū
ya (1809–1883), a domain official whom Motoda respected, interrupted, “You can’t do that. The combination of Motoda’s learning and virtuous behavior with Saig
ō
’s valor will make an unbeatable combination.”
¹⁷
Such praise made it impossible for Motoda to continue his resistance. He wrote in his diary this account of his first audience with the emperor: