Genius of Place (39 page)

Before Olmsted could even get started, however, his plans hit a snag. Years earlier, Frémont had borrowed $7,847 at a usuriously high interest rate. Compounding monthly, the tab had by November 1863 reached $308,000, and what's more, the loan's contract specified that the amount must be repaid in gold.

A reorganized Mariposa company, freshly infused with capital from the sale of stock to the public, yet with Frémont still a legal trustee—what a perfect opportunity to collect this ancient debt. In fact, a San Francisco banker had been canny enough to purchase the debt from its original holder. Now, the banker signaled that he intended to pursue collection voraciously. Back East, Opdyke and the rest of the Mariposa board instantly recognized the severity of the situation. (The company would settle within months, agreeing to the following terms: $300,000, in gold, payable in three annual installments, no more compounding interest.)

Meanwhile, Olmsted received a dispatch from the Mariposa board. Due to this new and unforeseen Frémont debt, the company's financial position had worsened. Olmsted was forced to reevaluate his plans for refurbishing and upgrading the mines—this, when he'd barely gotten started. Some of his most ambitious ideas, such as the telegraph line and the canal, were now unaffordable. Going forward, capital improvements to the estate would have to be realized through increased gold production—as if that was even possible, paradoxically, without capital improvements.

 

What had he gotten himself into, Olmsted started to wonder? Looking at his surroundings through the prism of all this recent frustration, Olmsted was struck anew by what a barren land this was. The foliage—thorny chaparral and clumps of dwarf chestnut—seemed to him stunted and alien. Even the topography was needlessly severe.
California
, he was certain, was made up of two Latin words,
calor
(heat) and
fornax
(furnace).

On a Sunday night, Olmsted heard a commotion in the street in front of Oso House. Looking out, he saw that a dogfight was in progress, and the two animals were tearing at each other, kicking up dust. A crowd of miners had gathered, and they were whooping and cheering and laying down bets. “Evening services” was how Olmsted termed the event in a letter to Mary, adding, “I rather think that if I had known what the place was I should not have asked you to come here. You must be prepared for a hard life.... But it's too late to retreat.... A region possessing less of fertility—less of living nature—you scarce ever saw.”

When he could sleep, always a problem for Olmsted, he began to have a recurring dream where he found himself in the English countryside.
The dream's locale was very specific: outside the town of Leamington Spa in the county of Warwickshire, a favorite spot from his travels.

Around this time, he also sent out a number of letters, exploring different ideas, trying to make something happen. He invited a doctor he'd known during his USSC service to set up a new practice in Bear Valley. He sent $75 to his friend Edwin Godkin, the New York editor, requesting that Godkin start subscriptions to a list of roughly thirty magazines—
Harper's
,
Punch
,
Mining and Smelting
, and the
Leisure Hour
among them—and arrange for them to be sent to the estate. Olmsted planned a reading room for the miners.

Olmsted also contacted David Parker and Company, an innovative Shaker-run company in New Hampshire that produced one of America's first automated appliances, a steam-powered washing machine. Perhaps cleaning the miners' filthy clothes would prove a route to increased productivity. “I think something of the sort is more wanted here than a church,” Olmsted wrote to a friend, describing his plan.

But the doctor didn't come. War was still on, and his services were sorely needed. For want of water, the washing-machine idea was quickly abandoned. The magazines began to arrive, but there's no record of the miners' response to the
Leisure Hour
or any of the other titles. In his own way, Olmsted was hoping to reform this godforsaken place. But it was mere fancy; even Olmsted knew this at some level. Disappointment—that was reality of his new life out West—and it just kept coming.

Next, a letter arrived from Vaux. The letter was five weeks old; that's how long it could take for mail to travel from New York to Bear Valley. But Vaux's anger was still fresh: “My special object in writing is to speak of a matter about which, in view of your proposed long absence, something needs to be said. The public has been led to believe from the commencement of the Central Park work to the present time that you are pre-eminently the author of the executed design, and such we all know is the general impression throughout the country today.”

Back in September, on the day Olmsted had left New York, a couple of newspapers had run articles about his new job running a gold mine in California. One article assigned the bulk of credit for Central Park to Olmsted, while the other neglected to even mention Vaux, slights duly
noted by his erstwhile partner. Perhaps, Vaux suggested, Olmsted was receiving outsize credit because he had undertaken certain administrative duties that kept him in the public eye. Or maybe the credit flowed from the title of “architect in chief.” Why had Olmsted been so comfortable accepting that title, Vaux demanded? And why hadn't Olmsted done more to correct misimpressions about their roles? He reminded Olmsted that they both shared credit for the park.

Olmsted's response—characteristically logorrheic—opened with a note of hurt. He'd received Vaux's letter right before Thanksgiving. “Your letter of the 19th October comes in to make its chilly, lonely dolefulness more perfect,” he wrote. From here, Olmsted crafted a couple of surprising parries, meant to pull the rug out from under Vaux. Absolutely, Olmsted conceded, they should share credit for the park's
design
. But by being so fixated on the design issue, Olmsted pointed out, Vaux was guilty of an unwitting slight of his own. Clearly, Vaux placed no value on Olmsted's administrative achievements or policing innovations, treating these as though they were lesser endeavors. These were also crucial to the park's success, he pointed out. But perhaps Vaux was too much the artist, too hung up on his “superior education in certain directions,” as Olmsted termed it.

As for “architect in chief ”—the title Vaux so clearly coveted—well, that was just empty words. Rearing up, Olmsted asserted that no mere title could capture the breadth of his skills. He could move fluidly between art and administration, between the high-flown world of ideas and the practical world of men. That,
all of that
, is what he had brought to their work together, and how dare Vaux challenge him? He concluded, “By fact of natural gift . . . I have been worth most to the park.”

There was an unexpected hauteur to Olmsted's letter. Also more than a hint of defensiveness. Broad skilled though he may have been, he had so far succeeded in bringing neither administration nor artistry to the Mariposa mines.

It had been a terrible autumn, and the clincher came when Olmsted received word that a fire had burned a couple of barns on the Staten Island farm. The fire destroyed some furniture he was storing, realia from his trips through the South, and an old letter he owned that had been written by George Washington. On New Year's Day, 1864, Olmsted
composed a letter to his father. The recent barn fire, he wrote, “helps to strengthen an unpleasant sense of being cut off from my past life.... I confess I am sadly homesick. It is very hard to make up my mind to adopt this as my home or to begin life over again in making friends here.”

 

Yet there was hope, hope being one by-product of Olmsted's boundless energy. When things were at their darkest, by ceaselessly casting about, he was often able to find that first tiny marker—a vague idea, a general direction, something, anything—pointing the way to redemption.

During a mine inspection, at the edge of the Mariposa property, Olmsted had spotted an amazing sight in the distance. This, he knew, was Yosemite. He hadn't had a chance to visit yet. Besides Indians, who until recently had lived in the valley for millennia, only a few hundred people had ever entered the place. But Olmsted had seen photographs. He'd read about this natural wonder in popular accounts published back East in magazines like the
Atlantic
. The most striking feature that Olmsted could make out was a huge bare cliff of palest granite. El Capitan. “Think of it as 13 times as high as Trinity spire,” he wrote to Mary. It was a reference to Trinity Church, at 284 feet the tallest building then in New York City.

Way in the distance, Olmsted had spied something that promised an alternative to all this dust and disappointment.

CHAPTER 20

THE MARIPOSA OPERATION continued to stagger along. One month the yield would bump up only to fall right back the next—all very confounding.

Olmsted was starting to realize the cruel calculus of gold mining. Yes, there was gold in these mountains. Yes, Mariposa had once been profitable, had the potential to be so once more. But something had to change. He needed to luck into a serious pay streak. Or maybe Mother Nature would cooperate with a deluge, swelling the rivers, putting those defunct streams back on the map.

Instead, he contended with a steady flow of Frémont creditors. Former mine managers, equipment suppliers, and dry goods merchants showed up one after another, hands outstretched. “He (Fremont) seems to have worn out the patience, after draining the purses, of all his friends in California,” Olmsted wrote to his father. “Whether he is more knave or fool is the only question. I am over-run with visits from his creditors who all hope to get something from the new owners of the estate.”

The prospects looked bleaker each day. But 125 miles to the north, the mines in the Grass Valley section of California were on a production rampage, thanks to a quirk of geography. These mines were lower in the Sierra foothills and had more reliable water sources. Recently, the Grass Valley operations had grown highly profitable. The owners, wisely, were using some of their proceeds to buy new equipment and to invest in technology such as more efficient stamps and new amalgamation processes.
Spend money, make money; it was a virtuous circle, and Grass Valley was putting Mariposa to shame.

Olmsted dispatched his chief engineer to Grass Valley to learn the most current gold-mining methods. But there wasn't anything that could be readily applied to the Mariposa Estate. Unable to increase production, stymied on capital improvements, Olmsted used the only lever he had to keep the struggling concern going.

On March 1, 1864, after first hiding every weapon he could locate, Olmsted cut the miners' salaries. Pay on the Mariposa Estate, by his reckoning, was five times higher than in New York. It was higher than other California mining outfits, too, another sign of the previous management's carelessness. Olmsted cut the miners' wages from $3.50 to $3.15 per day. The miners immediately went on strike. This is what Olmsted
did
, whispered the men; this is
why
he had been brought out West. He held firm, content to lose many of the workers, particularly the bitter, failed prospectors who filled the ranks. “They hate regularity, order and discipline,” he complained, “and they influence the whole body of our hands. They have never done with their recollections of the days when the working miners governed matters as they wished, with revolvers in their belts as they worked.”

As a small concession, Olmsted lowered the cost of the company-run boardinghouses. This is where married men lived, the most stable element in his labor force. He wanted to encourage these particular workers to stay. Otherwise, Olmsted played rough. He placed ads seeking new hires in San Francisco papers. He brought in Chinese immigrants, willing to work for as little as $1.75 a day. With a flood of replacement workers, the strike broke quickly, and more than half of his original workforce simply walked away.

 

While Olmsted was busy putting down a mine strike, he became the beneficiary of a proposal put forth by a complete stranger. Olmsted wasn't even aware of the honor, but he would learn about it shortly.

Israel Raymond sent a letter about Yosemite to John Conness, a U.S. senator from California. Raymond was one of the earliest advocates for
preserving the valley. His concern was partially borne out of his job as an executive with a steamship company. Conveying tourists to California to visit Yosemite could be a boon to his business. But steps were required to curb other commercial interests, ones that might not be so partial to the scenery. Already people were timbering near Yosemite, and miners couldn't be far behind.

Raymond urged that some kind of intervention was needed on behalf of this natural marvel. With his letter, he included a set of stereographic prints by Carleton Watkins, a photographer who had captured some of the first images of the valley. Raymond also provided a list of names, Olmsted's among them, of people who would be well qualified to serve on a Yosemite commission. There is zero evidence that Olmsted and Raymond had even met at this point. Rather, it appears that Raymond—aware that the distinguished gentleman behind Central Park was now in his midst—simply placed Olmsted's name on a list of viable candidates.

In a young America, a pioneering spirit prevailed, nowhere more than in California. All things were possible. Manage the staff of a wartime medical outfit, get tapped to supervise a gold mine. Supervise a gold mine, get included on a list of the wilderness advocates best qualified to preserve Yosemite. (With the environmental movement still decades away, the irony here—that Olmsted's gold mine was a terribly
un
green business—didn't even register.)

Senator Conness was moved by Raymond's plea. He forwarded the letter to California's General Land Office, requesting that it be used as the framework for crafting a bill. The legislative process was rolling and would move remarkably fast.