Handbook on Sexual Violence (84 page)

1996). Yet practitioners working with domestically violent men are not empirically guided to inform treatment in this way. An assessment of motivation and willingness to change is made with current assessments; however, individual treatment targets are not routinely agreed.

Theories that explain domestic abuse are multifaceted and an under- standing of individuals’ treatment needs is required. A pro-feminist theory underpins the intervention but other theoretical foundations support the programme too (e.g., nested ecological model; intergenerational transmission; psychological; early trauma; borderline personality and attachment disorders; drug and alcohol abuse (Corvo
et al
. 2008)).

Contrary to the moderate success experienced with sex offender programmes, domestic violence programmes fare less favourably, attracting harsh criticism (Stanley 2009). High levels of attrition on domestic violence programmes is neither a recent nor localised phenomenon (Bowen and Gilchrist 2006). Alarmingly, dropouts pose an even greater risk than those starting a programme (Mahon
et al
. 2009). Understanding why attrition occurs so specifically for this group of men is of great importance.

Concluding comments

The high incidence rates of sexual violence experienced by women, regardless of their relationship to the perpetrators, is a societal responsibility (Carlyle
et al
. 2008). The NPS, although not solely responsible, can play a significant part in addressing this issue. In order to begin to prepare offenders and assist practitioners to deliver effective and responsive treatment, the following proposals are made.

Pre-treatment screening to analyse offender types and treatment needs is essential (Mahon
et al
. 2009); as evidenced in this chapter
, this is current practice for sexual offenders. However, current practices for those assessing men who offend against an intimate partner, even if the offence is overtly sexual, are limited to risk and not treatment needs analysis. Although risk assessment is vital, they are indeed ineffective in assessing treatment need. One must question whether this could be compounding high attrition experienced on such programmes. The first proposal is that a universal sexual abuse treatment needs analysis be developed. This would draw upon what is already known about men who offend against adult female victims, enabling intervention practitioners and perpetrators to locate specific deficits requiring attention during treatment.

The second proposal requests further examination of the similarities in treatment needs of men convicted of sexual offences against women who are strangers and of those in intimate relationships. If a shared treatment need is identified, offenders could begin to consider together the issues of sexual violence across the continuum, without an offending hierarchy. From a practitioner’s perspective, men on domestic violence programmes tend to distance themselves from sexual abuse, whilst being willing to consider violent behaviour; few take responsibility for sexual abuse. Similarly, men referred to sex offender programmes for offences against adult females are treated

through an intervention primarily designed for child sex offenders (Allam
et al
. 2006). They spend time distancing themselves from sexual deviancy towards children. West Midlands Probation piloted a separate group for offenders against adult women and found that these men had a greater sense of responsibility than offenders in mixed groups.

Third, it is proposed that an induction or bridging programme prior to men engaging in the offence-specific programme should be explored. Preparatory programmes are known to enhance offenders’ self-esteem and allay fears around attending a programme (Marshall and Burton 2010). A bridge programme would look to aid attrition by motivating men to engage before they start the treatment, aid treatment needs identification, and act to refocus the gender identity of men to encourage and empower masculinity. Early stages of domestic violence programmes are spent working with resistance and conflict; educational messages about sexual violence become lost in therapeutic battles. Interventions could be offered to all men who are sexually violent to adult women regardless of their relationships.

Perhaps controversial is the idea that the attitudes and behaviours of men found guilty of sexual violence should be considered no different from those of men not prosecuted. To do the opposite potentially allows men not brought before criminal proceedings to distance and disassociate themselves from sexual violence. An inclusive approach enables men to become familiarised with language and behaviours outside of legal terminology and begin to recognise the disturbing normality of sexual violence within their society and their own behaviours (Kelly 1989). Currently the NPS is limited to working with statutory offenders yet research shows that mixing groups of statutory and non-statutory cases has a positive effect on attrition (Rees and Rivett 2005). This final proposal calls for further analysis of the effects of mixed groups.

Taking theoretical models and concepts from the academic world into the real world brings implementation and design challenges to practitioners (Bourgon
et al
. 2009). Incorrect and inappropriate targeting of offenders leads to higher dropout rates, more so for high-risk men (Palmer
et al
. 2009). An understanding of Kelly’s continuum of sexual violence assists us to reframe how we work with men who perpetrate abuse to women, regardless of the relationship with the victim. We must not be limited or drawn into the stereotyped images of sexual offenders portrayed in the media but widen our appreciation. We must not lose sight of the fact that the experiences of victims of rape and domestic violence are not dissimilar. One victim reflects that, ‘I don’t think you stand much chance really, you’re no safer whether you’re in the house or out of it’ (Kelly 1989: 98).

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