JFK (4 page)

THE COLD WAR, along with its various politically managed “battlegrounds” has ended, but the mystery lives on. What was going on? Increasingly we have all begun to realize that the legislative creation of the CIA, the Korean War, the Vietnam War, the Bay of Pigs, the Cuban Missile Crisis, the development of rockets and missiles along with the space program and the moon landings, as well as with the assassination of John F. Kennedy, were craftily orchestrated events designed to fill the gap between what mankind has known as conventional warfare and the incalculable impact of all-out nuclear warfare. In terms of the military-industrial interests there had to be a demand for their products and there had to be attrition of that materiel. Thus preparation for warfare and some form of warfare had to continue. All this was done while carefully avoiding a nuclear exchange.

On top of this, we have now begun to realize that one of the greatest casualties of the Cold War has been the truth. At no time in the history of mankind has the general public been so misled and so betrayed as it has been by the work of the propaganda merchants of this century and their “historians.” It was Ralph Waldo Emerson who said, “There is properly no history; only biography,” and this may have been said in jest. We have learned, with some frequency, that the biographer himself may have toyed with the truth. Perhaps “autobiography” is a better word for a factually correct history.

This book is a firsthand account of the years since World War II. It carefully documents a major sector of the Cold War from 1943 to 1975 by recognizing the strategically elegant “Saigon Solution” as the long-range plan that was designed and employed by the international power elite to bridge, profitably, that first thirty years, from the end of World War II, on September 2, 1945, to the fall of Saigon, on April 30, 1975. After that they took advantage of the so-called energy crisis of the seventies and the equally contrived financial crisis of the eighties to make unbelievable sums of money from those valuable sources that must include the global trade in drugs.

There are some readers who are unaccustomed to this age-old concept of the
power elite.
One of the better characterizations of this idea was written by R. Buckminster Fuller in his important book
Critical Path.
It reads:

It goes without saying that few, if any, credible historians are going to be able to name the individuals who comprise such an elite. One point must be clarified. They are not the Bilderburgers, the Trilateralists, or members of the Council for Foreign Relations. Much more is said on this subject in the chapters that follow, and even then we must realize that one of the greatest strengths of this power elite is that they have learned to live anonymously.

There is, in Lord Denning’s book,
The Family Story,
a most pertinent reference to the words of Winston Churchill during a heavy bomber attack on Rotterdam during World War II. Denning reports that Churchill, during a conversation among friends, made reference to a “High Cabal” that has made us what we are. In that sense, Churchill’s High Cabal equates with Fuller’s “invisible power structure.” For a man in Churchill’s position, and at the war-time peak of his public career, to make reference to a high, or higher, cabal defines the subject. We live under the influence of such a cabal today, whether we realize it or not. This book opens up the subject for a broad and most practical review.

In general, this historical account follows a chronological format, and in so doing it recognizes the enormous significance of the November 22, 1963, assassination of President John F Kennedy and of the coup d’état that replaced that administration as a result.

Portions of this book appeared during 1985-1987 in the magazine
Freedom.
Oliver Stone became familiar with its “Kennedy assassination”—related material and used some if it in his film
JFK.
The author worked with Stone as a technical adviser and was portrayed as “Man X,” played by Donald Sutherland. However, the principal theme of the book documents the long-range, strategic planning of the Cold War, begun as early as the Cairo and Teheran “Big Four” Conferences of late November 1943, and how that planning led directly, without a single day’s interval, from the end of World War II, September 2, 1945, to the United States’ involvement in what became the Indochinese war, which began on that same date. These Conference plans also included the Korean war that began five years later, in June 1950.

These facts were confirmed in a speech made by John Foster Dulles before the American Legion Convention in St. Louis, quite coincidently on September 2, 1953, when he confirmed the United States’ involvement in this “desperate struggle’s first eight years in Indochina.” Before that “no win” warfare had ended, not less than $570 billion had been channeled into the coffers of this war-making High Cabal at a cost of 58,000 American lives.

This type of limited warfare was not designed solely for the purpose of making war to make money, as has been the case throughout history for most countries; but it was necessitated by the knowledge, as early as 1943, that the atom bomb would be ready before the end of World War II. As many have recognized, the war did not end until the first of each of the original types of atomic bomb, Implosion and Gun-type, had been given its initial bloodbath public demonstration over Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Then, and only then, did these world-class planners realize that they had made a terrible mistake in funding those nuclear physicists and their industrial backers to produce an atom bomb. From the time of the first use of nuclear weapons until the present, and even more certainly for the future, the atomic bomb demonstrated that effective warfare, as it was known since the dawn of mankind, has ended. The almost timeless era of conventional warfare is over. There will be no more “victorious” wars. There will be moneymaking, meaningless wars. The next real, all-out, and unlimited war will lead to Armageddon on Earth. It will be the last.

Bernard O’Keefe armed the Nagasaki bomb, detonated the 15-megaton BRAVO hydrogen test device in the Pacific, and, before his death, became the chairman of the board of E.G.& G. Inc., one of the nation’s leading high-technology nuclear-support companies. O’Keefe wrote:

(NOTE: He said “radius.”)

Furthermore, the series of so-called wars since 1945 were never fought to achieve victory. They were waged for dollars, without a true military objective, under the control of civilian leaders, with the generals in a supernumerary role. In fact, the first twenty years of our “desperate struggle” in Indochina were fought under the operational control of agents of either the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) or the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) first assisting Ho Chi Minh to establish the independence of Vietnam, and later, when U.S. policy swung around in alignment with the Cold War, to support the French. The few bona fide U.S. Armed Forces generals who were in Vietnam were limited to managing supporting activities, and none of them, at any time, ever served in direct command of combat operations in Indochina. There was always an ambassador, and frequently a CIA agent—under the cover of a general—or both in superior positions. Such is the nature of these new, limited, “make money” wars.

Because of the strategy that continued the moneymaking aspect of warfare and the dilemma created by the advent of the nuclear weapon, no single event of that thirty-year period has been a more serious indictment of the condition of our present government, of our media, and of those of the lawyer-capitalist system, who are in control of both, than the enormity of the “cover story” fabrication about the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. This situation has prevailed for the past three decades. . . plus. The reason why it has been possible to maintain this enormous “cover story” for decades is that the greater crime committed on November 22, 1963 was that of the coup d’état of the government of the United States. The conspirators took control.

Paramount among the many other reasons for this deplorable condition has been the One World growth of a power elite of international bankers and industrial giants who totally disregard the sovereignty of nations and the individual rights of man. As a result, the history of the Cold War period that began before the end of World War II has been replete with fantasies. A number of those whom we call “historians” are no more than paid hacks with little or no practical experience, and a fixed agenda. Even the official “History of United States Involvement in Vietnam from World War II to the Present (1968),” popularly known as the Pentagon Papers, contains such amazing propaganda in the chronological record of that period as:

22 Nov 1963

That is the Pentagon Papers’ official account of that otherwise momentous day. What possible explanation can there be for the fabrication of that totally untrue bit of official record of the very day that President John F. Kennedy was assassinated as a result of a contract murder? This becomes all the more significant when we realize that this official history was directed by Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara and was compiled and written by members of his staff in the International Security Affairs section, under the task force leadership and direction of Leslie H. Gelb, later editor of the
New York Times
and now the president of the Council for Foreign Relations.

This massive study, containing countless other fabrications and significant omissions, was officially presented to the newly appointed Secretary of Defense, Clark M. Clifford, on January 15, 1969. Since that time, as later researchers, writers, and college professors have attempted to describe the thirty years of Vietnam War history, they have been misled by this work and by others that are equally false and contrived.

In contrast, my book has been written utilizing a pattern of chronology and autobiography. I was ordered to active military duty in July 1941, and as an Air Transport Command V.I. P. pilot, I was on duty in Cairo and Teheran during those important, highest level conferences of late November 1943. I participated in one of the initial, pivotal moves of the Cold War in the Balkans during September 1944 while the Soviet Union was still publicly considered to be one of our wartime allies. I was on Okinawa at the end of World War II and had made air transport flights into Japan before the official surrender on September 2, 1945; and returned again to the Far East as commander of a Military Air Transport Service squadron based in Tokyo from 1952 through 1954. During those years, I made many flights into Indochina and what became the nation of South Vietnam in 1954.

In 1955 I was designated by the chief of staff of the U.S. Air Force to establish an office of special operations within that headquarters in compliance with National Security Council (NSC) Directive #5412 of March 15, 1954. This NSC Directive for the first time in the history of the United States defined covert operations and assigned that role to the Central Intelligence Agency to perform such missions, provided they had been directed to do so by the NSC, and further ordered active-duty Armed Forces personnel to avoid such operations. At the same time, the Armed Forces were directed to “provide the military support of the clandestine operations of the CIA” as an official function.

I established that office and created its global clandestine support system. For the next nine years, 1955-1964, I served five of those years with the Air Force, two with the Office of the Secretary of Defense, and two more with the Office of the Joint Chiefs of Staff in that unique function of “supporting the CIA’s secret clandestine operations.” This book documents the “Saigon Solution”—that complex and powerful element of the Cold war master plan that, according to R. Buckminster Fuller, generated no less than six trillion dollars for its beneficiaries, who were in most cases many of the same members of the military-industrial complex so aptly defined by President Dwight D. Eisenhower in his Farewell Address, on January 17, 1961.