Life in Secrets: Vera Atkins & the Missing Agents of WWII (5 page)

A young woman recruit named Nora Inayat Khan, seconded to SOE from the Women's Auxiliary Air Force, or WAAF, had expressed particular anxiety from the start about what to tell her mother about her new
secret work. Miss Atkins suggested phrases Nora might begin to use— vague hints about going away—so that her mother, to whom she was evidently close, would get used to the ties between them loosening.

And as Vera went on to explain the setup in some detail, saying how their care and training would be arranged and how she would be following their progress day by day, the agents' confidence grew.

If before the meeting closed Miss Atkins should suggest a change in their address, their appearance, or perhaps their name, naturally they did not demur. Nora Inayat Khan took the name of Nora Baker to disguise her Indian origins. Above all else the new recruits left Vera's office with an impression that Miss Atkins was in control. Some now were even excited and eager to begin. They probably felt they had learned far more about their new work than in fact they later found they had. They had certainly learnt nothing about Miss Atkins. All they knew was that she would be looking after them from now on.

More than fifty years later I discovered that those young men and women interviewed at Orchard Court still knew nothing about “Miss Atkins.”

“My deaa booay,” said the former French agent Bob Maloubier, mimicking Vera's accent. “For me everything about her was English.” “Benenden and Kensington,” said another, asked to guess her background. “I knew Atkins wasn't her real name,” said a third. How? “I once saw something on her file.”

One former staff officer, though, had caught a unique glimpse of Vera in her very earliest days. He had met her at a bridge party at exactly the time she joined SOE. “Now let's see,” said Peter Lee, reading through his diary for 1941. “When was it exactly? The tenth of March. Ha! ‘Played bridge—Blitz—Boodles hit—windows out of Brooks—shaking like a jelly' I think it was round about then. It was at Elizabeth Norman's house in Thurloe Square.” Elizabeth, he explained, was the SOE secretary assigned to Room 055a, where SOE candidates were first interviewed. “The room had two tables, two chairs, and a skylight.”

Peter explained that he had befriended Elizabeth because he wanted a job with SOE. “I had heard that her people were into cloak-and-dagger
stuff and had the prettiest secretaries.” Elizabeth often held bridge parties at her home, and on one occasion a mutual friend brought Vera along to make up a four. “None of us knew who she was. But I remember she played a very good hand at bridge, probably because she carried everything in her head.”

Elizabeth Norman (now FitzGerald) recalled Vera at the bridge party as “mysterious in some way.” She added: “Or rather she covered herself in mystery. And she was gracious—rather too gracious in a way that none of us really were. I think a friend of mine had met her on an ARP [Air Raid Precautions] patrol and just brought her along when we were short of a fourth person. She seemed to have come from nowhere. You see, she was so much older than us other girls. She had no context at all that I discovered. And we didn't ask—one didn't then. We had a sort of code, you know.”

Elizabeth herself had started as a “snagger,” a filing clerk, in MI5, which was the Eton or Roedean of Whitehall. She then moved to SOE and recalled that F Section was considered “not quite top notch,” “a mixed bunch, mostly City,” whereas the Balkan Section had the really “smart,” wealthy types, brought in from Hambros or Courtaulds.

One of Elizabeth's jobs was to tick off recruits as they arrived for interview in 055a—“they were all told it was life and death, but it didn't seem to bother them.” Often she was called over to Orchard Court to help out, usually by chatting to agents and drinking cocoa with them to set them at ease before their departure. In the early days some agents were landed in France by boat, but later most were dropped by parachute or landed in small planes. The infiltrations were always done at night during the full moon. “I remember feeding éclairs to Odette as we waited for the moon to come up in the right place,” said Elizabeth, referring to the agent Odette Sansom, who in October 1942 was whisked from Orchard Court to the French Riviera and landed by felucca, a small sailing boat. “And they also got their cyanide pills then.”

The atmosphere in Orchard Court was deliberately informal, with women smoking and handsome men always passing through and breaking into French, and nobody ever knew who anyone was as they all had aliases. Elizabeth herself had three aliases when she worked in the interview
room. “They would ring up and say, ‘You have an interview with so and so,' and I would have to know the alias and whether that was an alias for somebody else. Then we picked up the green phone and said, ‘Shall we scramble?' ” At this she started to laugh.

If there was an opportunity, Elizabeth and friends would nip down to the bar on the corner to relax, “but if any non-SOE people came in, we all had to shut up like clams.” There were a lot of “bedtime stories,” she said, “and Gubbins was a lech,” she added, referring to Colin Gubbins, who became executive director of SOE in September 1943.

I said I could not imagine how Vera could have fitted into the world Elizabeth described. “In many ways she didn't,” she answered, looking up as if she were trying to picture Vera in her mind's eye. “I often thought she seemed quite lonely.”

At weekends Elizabeth frequently used to go to Lady Townsend's tea parties at the Grosvenor House Hotel in Park Lane. “It was all done so the men in town could meet a pretty girl.” The girls all had to be introduced by another girl.

“Would you have taken Vera?”

“Oh no, she was much too old. Most of her age group were at that time off in the country looking after their children.”

Later Elizabeth moved to other work in the Cabinet Office, but she observed from afar as Vera “reinvented herself as she progressed through SOE and seemed, by the end of the war, to have virtually taken over F Section.

After meeting Vera and other F Section officers at Orchard Court, recruits left for an initial three weeks of assessment and training at Wanborough Manor, near Guildford, and then on to intensive paramilitary work—explosives, stalking, and silent killing—for up to five weeks in the Western Highlands of Scotland. It was here that demolition training was also done and where agents—or so they claimed—became as familiar with plastic explosives as they were with butter. Then came parachute training at Ringway airfield, near Manchester.

Throughout their early instruction the agents were told they were
undergoing straightforward commando training, and many still had little concept of what lay ahead. Then at Beaulieu, in the New Forest, where the agents at last began to learn the craft of clandestinity—using cutouts (innocent intermediaries), boîtes-aux-lettres (“letterboxes,” places where messages could safely be left), and basic Morse code—the reality of their likely missions became clearer.

Though she rarely visited the training schools, Vera received regular reports from instructors as the agents progressed, and she became quite used to sceptical, if not downright damning, comments that came back to her about the women she was responsible for. The male staff at the schools appeared awestruck by the “feminine” qualities of the women, who were “painstaking,” “lacking in guile,” and “innocent.” What these young male officers really meant, in Vera's opinion, was that women should not be serving behind the lines at all.

It was in early 1942 that Colin Gubbins had first secured authority, albeit unofficially, to send women behind the lines. Colonel Colin McVean Gubbins, a wiry Scots Highlander, at the time was “M,” or head of military operations in SOE, and as such was eager to draw in the best recruits. A brilliant and high-spirited professional soldier, who won a Military Cross in the First World War, Gubbins was known by colleagues as “a whole hogger,” and he saw no reason why women could not do the job of secret agent as well as many of the men.

An influential band of lawyers seconded to SOE (mostly in a batch from the City firm of Slaughter and May) were utterly opposed, as were officials at the highest levels of Whitehall. Although SOE already employed scores of women—mostly as typists, drivers, and clerks—women in the Army, Navy, and Royal Air Force were barred from any armed combat. The statutes of the three services simply did not envisage women bearing arms, and therefore there was no legal authority for service-women to carry out the kind of guerrilla work SOE had in mind. Furthermore, protested the lawyers, though all SOE's agents would be without uniforms and therefore liable to be shot as spies, women agents would have even less legal protection in the field than men. The 1929 Geneva Convention and the 1907 Hague Convention on Land Warfare, the main legal instruments offering protection to prisoners of war, made
no provision at all for protecting women, as women were not envisaged as combatants.

SOE operations in the field were organised around a system of circuits, or networks, each covering a specific sector of France. Circuits were structured around three key figures—an organiser, a courier, and a wireless operator, or signaller—all normally recruited and trained in Britain.

At the head of the circuit was the organiser, whose job was to recruit local French men and women in his area, who were either already working with another resistance group or willing to start. The circuit organiser was also responsible for arming and supplying these local resisters, arranging with London, through encoded messages sent by his wireless operator, for aircraft or ships to deliver weapons. The organiser would then identify sabotage targets in his territory—railway lines, power stations, factories, and dams—that were to be destroyed when the signal from London came.

Within the SOE circuit, argued Gubbins, it was the job of courier that could best be carried out by women. With no other secure means of communication on the ground, couriers carried messages between circuits and subcircuits, travelling long distances, often by bicycle or train, memorising their messages or writing them on silk paper or rice paper, which could easily be hidden or destroyed. Because they were constantly on the move, couriers ran the highest risk of being stopped and arrested. For male couriers that risk became greater with every day the war went on. From early 1942 all young men in France were liable to be picked off the street and, unless they were classified as essential workers, were sent to Germany as forced labourers. Women, however, could invent a hundred cover stories as they moved around and aroused little suspicion. It was also considered that because women were less likely to be bodily searched, their messages could be niftily tucked in hems of skirts or, better still, in underwear.

In April 1942 Gubbins s case for sending women was secretly nodded through by Churchill and his War Cabinet, but the decision was never to be avowed, and it was left to Gubbins to find a ruse both to get around the law and to overcome opposition in the military. It so happened
that his family and a senior FANY officer owned neighbouring estates in Scotland, and thanks to their informal talks, a solution was worked out. As a civilian organisation, the FANY was not subject to the rules governing the services, so deploying FANYs as armed agents could not be deemed as breaching any statute. SOE's women recruits—even those few who would be drawn from the ranks of the WAAF—would therefore be commissioned as members of the civilian FANY corps for as long as they served behind the lines.

Although women were also recruited for other SOE country sections (and for MI6), the majority were hired for F Section, and Maurice Buck-master, who fully supported the use of women, now had the “knotty problem,” as Vera once put it, of how to handle their affairs. If the use of women as guerrillas leaked out, the policy would have to be denied. Therefore neither the War Office nor any other government department could take official responsibility for the women, and even the FANY, though offering cover, only saw its SOE members as “cap-badge FANYs” and certainly took no responsibility for them in respect of, for example, pensions, training, or welfare.

When in early 1942 Vera suggested to Buckmaster that, in addition to her other roles, she should take responsibility for the women, he therefore readily agreed. Miss Atkins, whom Buckmaster had promoted from secretary to junior staff officer, had already proved herself to be utterly loyal, tactful, and discreet. She was obviously the right person for the job.