Male Sex Work and Society (5 page)
Read Male Sex Work and Society Online
Authors: Unknown
Tags: #Psychology/Human Sexuality, #Social Science/Gay Studies, #SOC012000, #PSY016000
The study of male sex work can also lead to a better understanding of female sex work and of the culture of men who have sex with men. It is important to note that the research is now focused on revealing the complex meanings and practices associated with sexuality, gender, power, and social life, and the male sex industry can be a vehicle for understanding such socially constructed phenomena.
Structure of the Book
The book is structured into four parts, the first of which situates male sex work in a historical, cultural, social, and economic context. The first two chapters are historical. While largely drawn from Anglophone research, they provide a series of snapshots of male sex work in various places and periods, from Ancient Greece to medieval Japan to the contemporary United States. In
chapter 1
, Mack Friedman provides a brief history of male sex work across societies. He focuses on what we can glean about the working conditions and social tolerance of male sex workers while exploring themes of cultural stigma and sexual-financial exploitation. Friedman argues that the end of the taxation of male sex workers in the Roman Empire spelled their devolution from celebrated (with a national holiday) to punished (torched in front of mobs) within a few hundred years, and that the spread of Christianity coincided with the delegitimization of male sex work across Western Europe and its colonial holdings. He thus uncovers evidence that, in many Western societies where homosexuality was restricted, transactional male sex eventually became the de facto way for men to find male sexual partners. Kerwin Kaye, in
chapter 2
, picks up the historical narrative where Friedman leaves off, focusing on male sex work in modernity. Kaye notes that male prostitution altered its form dramatically over the course of the 20th century. While some of these changes related to economics and the general culture, some of the most important changes arose in response to transformations in the idea of homosexuality and the growing influence this idea had within middle-class and eventually working-class culture. This chapter identifies some of the diverse forms male prostitution has taken since the late-Victorian period, and also examines the ways male prostitution has been written about by various commentators in different eras.
chapter 1
, Mack Friedman provides a brief history of male sex work across societies. He focuses on what we can glean about the working conditions and social tolerance of male sex workers while exploring themes of cultural stigma and sexual-financial exploitation. Friedman argues that the end of the taxation of male sex workers in the Roman Empire spelled their devolution from celebrated (with a national holiday) to punished (torched in front of mobs) within a few hundred years, and that the spread of Christianity coincided with the delegitimization of male sex work across Western Europe and its colonial holdings. He thus uncovers evidence that, in many Western societies where homosexuality was restricted, transactional male sex eventually became the de facto way for men to find male sexual partners. Kerwin Kaye, in
chapter 2
, picks up the historical narrative where Friedman leaves off, focusing on male sex work in modernity. Kaye notes that male prostitution altered its form dramatically over the course of the 20th century. While some of these changes related to economics and the general culture, some of the most important changes arose in response to transformations in the idea of homosexuality and the growing influence this idea had within middle-class and eventually working-class culture. This chapter identifies some of the diverse forms male prostitution has taken since the late-Victorian period, and also examines the ways male prostitution has been written about by various commentators in different eras.
Both of these chapters delineate a consistent historical and socio-cultural distinction across societies and eras between men who have sex with other men for love, and those who have sex with other men for money. They suggest that the use of public spaces (parks, monuments, streets) for male sex work has changed little in 2,500 years.
In
chapter 3
, Russell Sheaffer interrogates the ability of cinema, primarily American, to trace a shift in the portrayal of the male sex worker as a recurring character type, a task that has not been attempted previously in discussions of film. His work blends a close reading of numerous texts from across disciplines and mediums to chart the ways that sociological writing and film scholarship have positioned “sex work.” Sheaffer finds numerous correlations between popular American cinematic representations and the proliferation of a constantly changing consciousness about male sex work in other disciplines. His chapter locates Andy Warhol’s work (
My Hustler
, specifically) as a sort of catalyst for allowing male sex work to be spoken about and depicted without a veil of euphemism. In mainstream American cinema,
Midnight Cowboy
began an era of filmmaking that, while being able to speak about male sex work as sex work, still maintained a sense of homosexuality as perverse—an attitude that remained prevalent in American cinema for several decades. It was in response to the AIDS crisis that a new American queer independent cinema (christened the “New Queer Cinema” by B. Ruby Rich) appeared, removing much of the stigma that previously had been tied to the male sex worker character type. In this moment, HIV/AIDS made male sex work impossible to ignore within American culture, and as films like
My Own Private Idaho
and
The Living End
began to appear on the festival scene, so did sociological studies focused on the subject of male sex work. American cinema has now taken up the character type in a highly fractured way, portraying him in a number of highly diverse films, from
Deuce Bigelow
to
Sonny
to
The Wedding Date
. Thus the character type is proliferating in ways that were impossible in earlier decades.
chapter 3
, Russell Sheaffer interrogates the ability of cinema, primarily American, to trace a shift in the portrayal of the male sex worker as a recurring character type, a task that has not been attempted previously in discussions of film. His work blends a close reading of numerous texts from across disciplines and mediums to chart the ways that sociological writing and film scholarship have positioned “sex work.” Sheaffer finds numerous correlations between popular American cinematic representations and the proliferation of a constantly changing consciousness about male sex work in other disciplines. His chapter locates Andy Warhol’s work (
My Hustler
, specifically) as a sort of catalyst for allowing male sex work to be spoken about and depicted without a veil of euphemism. In mainstream American cinema,
Midnight Cowboy
began an era of filmmaking that, while being able to speak about male sex work as sex work, still maintained a sense of homosexuality as perverse—an attitude that remained prevalent in American cinema for several decades. It was in response to the AIDS crisis that a new American queer independent cinema (christened the “New Queer Cinema” by B. Ruby Rich) appeared, removing much of the stigma that previously had been tied to the male sex worker character type. In this moment, HIV/AIDS made male sex work impossible to ignore within American culture, and as films like
My Own Private Idaho
and
The Living End
began to appear on the festival scene, so did sociological studies focused on the subject of male sex work. American cinema has now taken up the character type in a highly fractured way, portraying him in a number of highly diverse films, from
Deuce Bigelow
to
Sonny
to
The Wedding Date
. Thus the character type is proliferating in ways that were impossible in earlier decades.
Part two
of the book moves from the historical perspectives of the preceding part to two different perspectives on the marketing of male sex work. Allan Tyler, in
chapter 4
, provides a history of the development of advertising for men selling sex to men in the gay media. In this chapter, the context shifts from North America to the United Kingdom as it documents the rise of men selling sex through gay scene magazines in the 1990s, and the later introduction of online advertising and the use of social networks to advertise sexual services and sexual massages alongside personal ads. There is a marked similarity between the types of images men use in advertising escort services and massage, and these images often resemble those used in personal ads and profiles. They often present a hypersexualized image constructed through the body, pose, and (un)dress.
of the book moves from the historical perspectives of the preceding part to two different perspectives on the marketing of male sex work. Allan Tyler, in
chapter 4
, provides a history of the development of advertising for men selling sex to men in the gay media. In this chapter, the context shifts from North America to the United Kingdom as it documents the rise of men selling sex through gay scene magazines in the 1990s, and the later introduction of online advertising and the use of social networks to advertise sexual services and sexual massages alongside personal ads. There is a marked similarity between the types of images men use in advertising escort services and massage, and these images often resemble those used in personal ads and profiles. They often present a hypersexualized image constructed through the body, pose, and (un)dress.
Hypersexual advertising can be used to attract sex clients directly, while the more modest offer of massage services may include sensual types of touch and release. Men use advertisements and profiles to work independently, but agencies also use these formats to promote the men who work for them. The visibility in the social media of ads for men selling sex reinforces ideas about casual, anonymous sex and the ideology of sex as a commodity to be sought and negotiated, which extends into other personal encounters.
In
chapter 5
, Trevon Logan broadens the book’s exploration of the theme of marketing, this time in contemporary America in the shadow of the Internet. This is the first study to provide quantitative information with minimal concerns about sample selection on a large number of male sex workers. It provides basic demographic information on MSWs in the United States, analyzes the geographic location of these sex workers, and explores whether there is a statistical relationship between price and sex worker attributes. It also finds that male sex workers are very diverse in age, race, and other demographic characteristics, and that the geographic concentration of male sex workers is not aligned with the population distribution of gay men in the United States but with the distribution of the overall population. It finds, finally, that sexual position and race are statistically related to prices, as men who advertise sexual dominance charge significantly higher prices than those who do not. Black men who conform to sexual stereotypes of sexual dominance are highly valued in the market, but those who do not conform to the stereotype are not.
chapter 5
, Trevon Logan broadens the book’s exploration of the theme of marketing, this time in contemporary America in the shadow of the Internet. This is the first study to provide quantitative information with minimal concerns about sample selection on a large number of male sex workers. It provides basic demographic information on MSWs in the United States, analyzes the geographic location of these sex workers, and explores whether there is a statistical relationship between price and sex worker attributes. It also finds that male sex workers are very diverse in age, race, and other demographic characteristics, and that the geographic concentration of male sex workers is not aligned with the population distribution of gay men in the United States but with the distribution of the overall population. It finds, finally, that sexual position and race are statistically related to prices, as men who advertise sexual dominance charge significantly higher prices than those who do not. Black men who conform to sexual stereotypes of sexual dominance are highly valued in the market, but those who do not conform to the stereotype are not.
Part three
of the book examines the fact that male sex work has been presented as a “social problem”—a classification to whose objective existence many social scientists would take issue—and the reactions this has generated. Our chapter with Denton Callander opens part three by providing a picture of the clients of male sex workers, drawing from contemporary online data to present the voices of male clients who pay for the sexual services and companionship of male escorts. These clients are not easy to stereotype. They are young and old, blue-collar workers and professionals, gay and bisexual men, men who are married and some who are fathers, those in a permanent relationship and bachelors, men who are overweight and fit, homely and handsome. As previously noted, the clients of MSWs have historically been highly visible in the research, in contrast to the clients of FSWs. This was especially true in early accounts of male sex work, where clients were presented as effeminate deviant “homosexuals,” in stark contrast to the hypermasculine hustlers who were the focus of much early research. Some feminists recently have attempted to focus more attention on clients of sex workers, but this has been limited to heterosexual encounters. There also has been a push in Western Europe and the United States to increase penalties for the clients of sex workers, but this legislation has largely been considered within heteronormative frameworks that ignore the prevalence of MSWs and their clients.
of the book examines the fact that male sex work has been presented as a “social problem”—a classification to whose objective existence many social scientists would take issue—and the reactions this has generated. Our chapter with Denton Callander opens part three by providing a picture of the clients of male sex workers, drawing from contemporary online data to present the voices of male clients who pay for the sexual services and companionship of male escorts. These clients are not easy to stereotype. They are young and old, blue-collar workers and professionals, gay and bisexual men, men who are married and some who are fathers, those in a permanent relationship and bachelors, men who are overweight and fit, homely and handsome. As previously noted, the clients of MSWs have historically been highly visible in the research, in contrast to the clients of FSWs. This was especially true in early accounts of male sex work, where clients were presented as effeminate deviant “homosexuals,” in stark contrast to the hypermasculine hustlers who were the focus of much early research. Some feminists recently have attempted to focus more attention on clients of sex workers, but this has been limited to heterosexual encounters. There also has been a push in Western Europe and the United States to increase penalties for the clients of sex workers, but this legislation has largely been considered within heteronormative frameworks that ignore the prevalence of MSWs and their clients.
In
chapter 7
, Thomas Crofts turns attention to the conception of male sex work as a problem of social order and looks at the ways it has been legally regulated in Anglophone cultures. He argues that, despite jurisdictional diversity, policies tend to disregard the variety of biographies, motivations, and experiences of sex work among FSWs, let alone the peculiarities of male sex work. This relatively linear focus on female sex work has had a profound influence on the regulation of sex work for both men and women. Although increasing attention is being paid to male sex workers, it is clear that concerns about male sex work remain marginal. This chapter explores why male sex work has received relatively little attention in academic and policy literature and has largely been bypassed by sex work regulations. It also examines the connection between the conceptualization of male homosexuality and male sex work, the impact this has had on the regulation of male sex work, and ends by exploring some of the forms and spaces of male sex work and how they shape regulation.
chapter 7
, Thomas Crofts turns attention to the conception of male sex work as a problem of social order and looks at the ways it has been legally regulated in Anglophone cultures. He argues that, despite jurisdictional diversity, policies tend to disregard the variety of biographies, motivations, and experiences of sex work among FSWs, let alone the peculiarities of male sex work. This relatively linear focus on female sex work has had a profound influence on the regulation of sex work for both men and women. Although increasing attention is being paid to male sex workers, it is clear that concerns about male sex work remain marginal. This chapter explores why male sex work has received relatively little attention in academic and policy literature and has largely been bypassed by sex work regulations. It also examines the connection between the conceptualization of male homosexuality and male sex work, the impact this has had on the regulation of male sex work, and ends by exploring some of the forms and spaces of male sex work and how they shape regulation.
David Bimbi and Juline Koken, in
chapters 8
and
9
, argue that, throughout the decades, media and the literature have portrayed men in the sex trade as dangerous, crazy, and a threat to both their clients and the larger communities in which they live. While male homosexuality has gradually become more socially acceptable and mainstream, research on MSWs has been slow to follow suit. While public health research has increased on male sex work as a “vector of disease transmission,” little attention has been paid to the mental health of the sex workers themselves. Much of the research on MSWs seems to reflect a larger social paradigm of men as invulnerable and unemotional, although some has mirrored the research on FSWs, which presents childhood sexual or physical abuse as a root cause of their involvement in the sex trade. Research that explores the emotional lives of male sex workers and the mental health issues they face due to their work has only recently begun to proliferate.
chapters 8
and
9
, argue that, throughout the decades, media and the literature have portrayed men in the sex trade as dangerous, crazy, and a threat to both their clients and the larger communities in which they live. While male homosexuality has gradually become more socially acceptable and mainstream, research on MSWs has been slow to follow suit. While public health research has increased on male sex work as a “vector of disease transmission,” little attention has been paid to the mental health of the sex workers themselves. Much of the research on MSWs seems to reflect a larger social paradigm of men as invulnerable and unemotional, although some has mirrored the research on FSWs, which presents childhood sexual or physical abuse as a root cause of their involvement in the sex trade. Research that explores the emotional lives of male sex workers and the mental health issues they face due to their work has only recently begun to proliferate.
Men who work on the street or in bars report higher rates of these problems than the more privileged MSWs, such as those who advertise sexual and escort services on the Internet. The research has found consistently that the stigma attached to working in the sex industry is powerful, and that men must marshal significant resources to cope with the harm that could result from disclosing their involvement or being outed as a sex worker to their loved ones. However, some studies have indicated that the stigma of being involved with male escort services may be less in Western gay communities than in non-Western settings, where it appears that many perceive buying or selling sexual services as fairly normative. Men who take an occupational or entrepreneurial approach to sex work are more likely to feel positive about their work and to have successful strategies for coping with the emotional challenges that can come with servicing sex clients. The mental health needs of men in the sex industry must be understood and attended to as part of recognizing the full humanity of MSWs as individuals who are part of their communities.
Koken and Bimbi argue in
chapter 9
that the field of public health did not concern itself with MSWs until the HIV epidemic hit full force in the 1980s. As these authors note, due to the stigmatized nature of prostitution, public health was concerned with sex workers as “vectors of disease transmission” to the wider public. This stance, based partly on the legality of sex work and the public’s disdain for those engaged in it, completely overlooked the health and well-being of sex workers. MSWs in particular were objects of derision and they were not seen as people in need of care for any number of health issues. More recently, the wider health needs of MSWs—substance abuse, mental health, self-care, issues related to HIV—have become more integrated into a holistic approach to public health. Nevertheless, there is still a dearth of evidence-based health practices, official recommendations, and theoretical models to guide public health care for male sex workers.
chapter 9
that the field of public health did not concern itself with MSWs until the HIV epidemic hit full force in the 1980s. As these authors note, due to the stigmatized nature of prostitution, public health was concerned with sex workers as “vectors of disease transmission” to the wider public. This stance, based partly on the legality of sex work and the public’s disdain for those engaged in it, completely overlooked the health and well-being of sex workers. MSWs in particular were objects of derision and they were not seen as people in need of care for any number of health issues. More recently, the wider health needs of MSWs—substance abuse, mental health, self-care, issues related to HIV—have become more integrated into a holistic approach to public health. Nevertheless, there is still a dearth of evidence-based health practices, official recommendations, and theoretical models to guide public health care for male sex workers.
In
chapter 10
, Christian Grov and Michael Smith look at the gay community from a cultural context and explore its relations to male sex work. They find that the evolution of male sex work is intimately tied to the modern gay rights movement and to new technologies. As homosexuality has become more visible and socially accepted, so has male sex work, with venues for advertisements now expanding beyond the gay print media and hustler bars to Internet websites devoted specifically to sex work, as well as sexual networking websites, where escorts and clients can have regular contact. Today, money and sex go hand in hand: escorts pay fees to advertise online or in print media; gay and bisexual men pay to join websites where they can engage in sexual networking with other men or purchase erotic content (both online and offline); and it is not uncommon to see pornographic material that is themed around financial transactions. One could argue that the sexualization of gay communities, which has facilitated the social acceptance of commercial sexual encounters, emerged as a result of the historical marginalization of sexual minorities. Thus, to understand male sex work, it is necessary to understand changes in the gay community as well as the shifting role technologies play in facilitating sexual transactions.
chapter 10
, Christian Grov and Michael Smith look at the gay community from a cultural context and explore its relations to male sex work. They find that the evolution of male sex work is intimately tied to the modern gay rights movement and to new technologies. As homosexuality has become more visible and socially accepted, so has male sex work, with venues for advertisements now expanding beyond the gay print media and hustler bars to Internet websites devoted specifically to sex work, as well as sexual networking websites, where escorts and clients can have regular contact. Today, money and sex go hand in hand: escorts pay fees to advertise online or in print media; gay and bisexual men pay to join websites where they can engage in sexual networking with other men or purchase erotic content (both online and offline); and it is not uncommon to see pornographic material that is themed around financial transactions. One could argue that the sexualization of gay communities, which has facilitated the social acceptance of commercial sexual encounters, emerged as a result of the historical marginalization of sexual minorities. Thus, to understand male sex work, it is necessary to understand changes in the gay community as well as the shifting role technologies play in facilitating sexual transactions.
Mary Laing and Justin Gaffney extend the theme of providing services to male sex workers in
chapter 11
. They situate empirical data from a survey conducted with male sex workers about their sex work practices within the broader academic context, which explores debates on what sex work constitutes, what language is used to describe it, and the fact that sex work is often considered a feminized practice in national policy contexts. The survey findings reveal a lack of exploitation and coercion among those engaged in sex work, as well as a high level of education, a relatively low instance of substance abuse, and the fact that most of the men were in control of their sex work. However, theft and robbery were experienced by nearly half the sample, although there was a low level of reporting the incidents. Many of the men surveyed also had worked in pornography, where barebacking was deemed normative, and nearly half had little or no knowledge about post-exposure prophylaxis, or PEP treatments. The chapter concludes that the provision of services to MSWs should be nonjudgmental and should recognize the choice men make to stay involved in sex work, and, crucially, that the provision of services should be led by the men’s needs.
chapter 11
. They situate empirical data from a survey conducted with male sex workers about their sex work practices within the broader academic context, which explores debates on what sex work constitutes, what language is used to describe it, and the fact that sex work is often considered a feminized practice in national policy contexts. The survey findings reveal a lack of exploitation and coercion among those engaged in sex work, as well as a high level of education, a relatively low instance of substance abuse, and the fact that most of the men were in control of their sex work. However, theft and robbery were experienced by nearly half the sample, although there was a low level of reporting the incidents. Many of the men surveyed also had worked in pornography, where barebacking was deemed normative, and nearly half had little or no knowledge about post-exposure prophylaxis, or PEP treatments. The chapter concludes that the provision of services to MSWs should be nonjudgmental and should recognize the choice men make to stay involved in sex work, and, crucially, that the provision of services should be led by the men’s needs.
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