Medieval Hunting (2 page)

Anglers will immediately note that fishing is excluded from my definition of hunting. This is not because I am anti-fishing. The very reverse, as I was brought up by my father to be a fly fisherman. There is a very good reason for omitting fishing and it is that ‘fishing with an angle' has its own fascinating history and there are scholarly historians of angling who research and write about it. One of the latest historical works to be published is
Dame Juliana – The Angling Treatyse and its Mysteries
, by Fred Buller and Hugh Falkus. Some anglers protest that fly fishing is true hunting and I agree that it contains many of the essential elements of hunting: the quest, the stalk, the pursuit, the fight and the death. However, it was, and is, treated as a separate subject by authors and there I must leave the matter. Disappointed anglers may be interested to find a short discussion on the status of angling in the Middle Ages in chapter six.

Having defined hunting, a further question needs some consideration at this early stage. Where did hunting take place? The parameters of hunting are so wide that depending upon the scale and method, it could have occurred just about anywhere, ranging from woodland, through heath and waste to pond, field and orchard. Throughout this book I have used several terms which refer to where hunting took place and these need to be clarified now to avoid confusion. A Forest belonged to the monarch and was a legal term for an area subject to the Forest Laws which were codified by the king. Each Forest was administered by a hierarchy of appointed officials who were accountable to the king. An area such as the New Forest was originally a preserve for hunting deer, reserved for the king and to whomever he granted licence. The inhabitants of a Forest usually retained long-established use-rights (
usufruct
) within the area, unlike the situation in a park.
⁴
A chase was a free liberty; hence the Forest Laws did not apply to such an area. However, in practice this distinction was usually lost for many of the chases were granted to favoured nobles and prelates by the king, who retained jurisdiction and required the Forest Laws to be observed and enforced through seigneurial courts. In addition, when the Crown acquired chases from subjects, whether through confiscation, lack of an heir or by gift, then the Forest Laws automatically became applicable to those areas.
⁵
A park or deer-park was an area completely enclosed from the common waste by a permanent fence of wooden pales, constructed to hold breeding populations of red, fallow or roe deer for the purpose of hunting by the owner. A park was usually situated close to the main residence from which the progress of the hunt could be viewed. A park could belong to the king, an aristocrat, a prelate or an ecclesiastical body and was usually administered by a parker or keeper. The right of imparking could be granted or purchased and the number of parks increased enormously during the later Middle Ages and Tudor period.
⁶
As well as creating chases and licensing imparkment to favoured persons such as tenants-in-chief, the Crown could also grant rights of free warren, the entitlement to hunt for lesser game (not red deer) on the demesne land of the grantee. Parks and free warrens only had the protection of Common Law.
⁷

As the habitat suitable for red deer diminished, the necessity to impark and hunt captive populations became more urgent. The number of Forests and chases in England and Wales is unknown, but recent research at St. John's College, Oxford, by John Langton and Graham Jones has revised the customary figure of below 200 to about 650 in England and 350 in Wales.
⁸
Outside the Forest boundaries, chases, imparked areas, free warrens and conygers (garrenas), freeholders were allowed to hunt on unenclosed land.
⁹
For the common man who was not a freeholder, areas where he could hunt using his own methods were usually severely curtailed by law and often necessitated a clandestine approach. Hence, although there was a great deal of commonalty hunting, much was discreet or unlawful. However, poaching on royal and other men's land was by no means restricted to rustic peasants and other humble folk.

The main purpose of this book is to demonstrate incontrovertibly that in the late medieval world hunting was a universal activity. It must follow, therefore, that I believe that most of the population either hunted in some way or at least had some knowledge of hunting and its vocabulary. My book presents a considerable corpus of evidence which strongly supports this belief. The available material indicates that rank and status were the deciding factors in how one hunted and what was hunted. In other words, different levels of society hunted in markedly different ways using methods and techniques peculiar to, and indicative of, their own class. Scholars studying the later Middle Ages should be aware of this and acknowledge hunting as one of the most important activities in the medieval world. These are considerable assertions, largely for two reasons. Firstly, almost all recent British historians, with a very few notable exceptions, either ignore hunting as if it did not exist or simply dismiss it in a few lines, relegating the art of venery to the level of an élitist sport confined to the nobility. Secondly, again with the same exceptions, very little scholarly research has been conducted into hunting. It is not that a corpus of evidence does not exist or is unavailable in both textual and pictorial form. Rather it is that over the course of the twentieth century, the great majority of British historians have tended to disregard hunting and its important place within the social and economic fabric of the medieval world. William Baillie-Grohman and his wife Florence, joint editors of
The Master of Game
(1904 and 1909), were the great exceptions to this lack of interest. A select few modern historians of the medieval period have acknowledged the importance of hunting in their overall considerations of late medieval society; these include Maurice Keen, Nicholas Orme, Anthony J. Pollard and Oliver Rackham. However, almost no specialist or single-study books on medieval hunting were published by English authors and very few scholarly articles appeared in the academic press until the late 1980s. The great exception to this general neglect was
Lexicon of the Mediaeval German Hunt
, by David Dalby, published in 1965, a fastidiously researched work on Germanic hunting methodology and vocabulary. Thus, as less and less was researched and written on the subject in the twentieth century, so hunting really did lose its significance. Interest was not to be revived in this country until John Cummins published
The Hound and the Hawk, the Art of Medieval Hunting
, in 1988, later reinforced at a literary level by Anne Rooney's
Hunting in Middle English Literature
, in 1993. Roger Manning's scholarly
Hunters and Poachers, A Cultural and Social History of Unlawful Hunting in England 1485–1640
, appeared in the same year. Jean Birrell made a valuable contribution to our understanding of peasant deer poaching in royal Forests in her chapter in
Progress and Problems in Medieval England
, published in 1996.

Although hunting and hawking are acknowledged to be recurrent themes in late medieval English and European literature,
¹⁰
for the majority of modern readers the many references to these activities are undetected and remain hidden, and are thus without any contextual significance. However, if one is versed in medieval hunting vocabulary and, in addition, possesses a theoretical and pragmatic widely based knowledge of modern hunting methodology, the numerous references to hunting and hawking in imaginative and romantic medieval works are very significant. Recent work on the identification and usage of hunting language within the fifteenth-century ballads of Robin Hood demonstrates this point. The authors have used hunting and woodsman's language to try and establish the outlaw's possible occupation, and the universal audience for whom the ballads were written.
¹¹
The original ballads have been analysed by scholars
ad infinitum
yet the significance of this vocabulary has been almost completely ignored. This in itself is puzzling as all the Middle English words can be found in the hunting manuals and treatises and the rhymes can only be fully understood when the language is properly clarified.

Man's atavistic traits and the need to be ‘at one with nature' were inevitably experienced far more strongly by medieval man, whatever his class, than by his modern counterpart. This is understandable as most of the population lived and were employed in the countryside. Perhaps 95 per cent were peasants, the majority of them unfree, living and working in village communities. The nobles and gentry tended to live in the countryside, visiting and administering their estates and manors. Many of the great monasteries and abbeys were situated in great rural estates. There were few towns and cities, and in England, with the exception of London, these were small in size. Norwich was probably the wealthiest and most populous town after London by 1520, and Bristol, Canterbury, Gloucester and Lincoln were all important centres of trade and commerce. Lay poll tax returns for 1377 indicate that the population of York, the so-called capital of the north, may have numbered some eleven thousand at the end of the fourteenth century,
¹²
slightly larger than a small modern market town such as Richmond in North Yorkshire. However, as trade developed in the later Middle Ages, so too did towns and ports, particularly those connected with England's premier export industry, the wool trade, later to be overtaken by the trade in cloth. But in spite of this increasing urbanisation, even townsmen remained in touch with the countryside. Land was owned and cultivated just outside the city walls, farmers living within the town but walking without the walls each day to work. Animals were kept in yards and gardens within the town. Townsmen of all levels hunted and poached in the fields and woods surrounding the town, using the same methods as their rural brethren. Wealthy townsmen, particularly the merchant class, who were ambitious and anxious to rise in status, imitated their social superiors and took up the mounted chase. Thus the links between town and country remained unbroken for centuries, only to be severed, but even then not completely, with enclosures and the mass movement of labour to the industrial cities for employment from the mid-eighteenth century onwards. Two and a half centuries later, that break is almost complete. Politics, investment, planning and development are very largely orientated towards urban areas and their communication links. Even British agriculture, the provider of at least some of our food and guardian of the land, is misunderstood, neglected, misused and abused by the authorities and many of the general public. Hatred of hunting by some Members of Parliament is but one unfortunate facet of this loss of ease with nature and our countryside heritage.

The atavistic urge or need to hunt, described by John Cummins as:

the fulfilment of an enduring compulsion to retain a link with nature in a period barely emerging from the primitive, when immersing oneself in the forests of Europe could still create the illusion of being amid a limitless wilderness with infinitely renewable sources of game,
¹³

was, and to some extent still is, a powerful psychological impetus to hunters. Although it seems unlikely that the hungry peasant out poaching would have been aware of these emotions, educated nobles certainly were, and Gaston Fébus, in particular, writes of the satisfaction of simple pastoral delights in his manual of hunting
Livre de chasse
,
¹⁴
as does the anonymous author of
The Parlement of the Thre Ages
,
¹⁵
although this poem belongs to a tradition of didactic literature rather than that of hunting treatises. My point here is that the fundamental desire to hunt was common to all men (and of course, to many women) and that to associate hunting exclusively with the upper levels of medieval society is not only inaccurate but completely unrealistic. This bias in favour of hunting as a purely élitist pastime was initiated by the authors of the manuals, particularly the English writers, who largely ignored the hunting methods of the commonalty and in their writings concentrated on upper-class hunting techniques. Secondary sources appear to have perpetuated this trend and so the inaccuracy gained credence, becoming an accepted ‘well-known fact'. However, the main purpose of the hunting manual was to present the knowledge of venery from an aristocratic viewpoint to an aristocratic audience; hence bias was inevitable.

Certainly, a great deal of the ancient lore of hunting and woodcraft has been lost as society has increasingly moved away from the land and into towns and cities; this must be to the detriment of the many variants of hunting and shooting which still flourish today. Fortunately, much hunting and hawking meth-odology and wisdom was written down in what can be termed how-to-do-it books, the late medieval hunting texts. In spite of their frequent disorder and fragmentary structure, the most outstanding features of these fourteenth- and fifteenth-century hunting manuals and treatises is the vast accumulated knowledge they contain and the expertise which is indicated and expected of the true hunter. These early books of instruction were compiled and written by aristocratic authors for the education of aristocratic or ‘gentle' hunters, young and old.

To authors of works on hunting such as Gaston III, compte de Foix, and Edward, Duke of York, hunting was not just a sport or pastime; it was the essence of life itself, the very reason for existence. In the Prologue to his
Livre de chasse
, probably the most informative and technically useful text on medieval hunting, Gaston Fébus writes of the three delights of his life – arms, love and hunting, but claims to be an expert only in the last.
¹⁶
However, even for the nobility, there was more to hunting than mere pleasure and its various functions are clarified and examined in chapter one.

In his love of hunting, the medieval noble usually had the example of his monarch. Famous royal hunters included Holy Roman Emperors Frederick II of Hohenstaufen and Maximilian I, Kings Edward III and Henry IV of England and Philip II of France. Royalty and the upper classes hunted as part of their heritage; it was expected of them; it was part of being a gentleman. William Langland commented in
Piers Plowman
that it was proper for ‘lewede men to labory, lordes to honte',
¹⁷
and this view of the formal chase as élitist and the prerogative of the ruling classes is undoubtedly accurate. Aristocratic hunting is both well documented and profusely illustrated. My approach to sorting this somewhat unwieldy corpus of evidence into a useable and coherent structure was to divide the material into two chapters: in chapter two, the elements of aristocratic prerogative, dress and equipment are considered; in chapter three, quarry type, language, methodology and techniques are examined.