Members of the Tribe (13 page)

“In Jerusalem, Jews gather around the
kotel
(the Wailing Wall),” he told me. “Here in America, they gather around the Holocaust.” In setting up the Wiesenthal Center, Hier set himself up with the West Coast Holocaust franchise.

Both Marvin Hier and his disciple, Rabbi Cooper, believe in the need to act aggressively in order to counter anti-Semitism in America. In the capital of cool they employ a hot, angry style just short of Meir Kahane’s, and they are constantly on the lookout for issues that appeal to the Jewish sense of vulnerability. Hier took on CBS over its decision to cast the virulently anti-Israel actress Vanessa Redgrave as a Jewish concentration camp inmate; led the attack on Jesse Jackson’s anti-Semitic remarks in the 1984 primary campaign; and has been active in fighting Arab propaganda on the West Coast.

“We address issues that people respond to,” Rabbi Cooper told me. “We monitor anti-Semitic statements, the activities of the neo-Nazis, Arab activities, whatever. The Anti-Defamation League does the same thing? Good, great. There should be four more groups doing it. I mean, there should never be a time when the president of the United States can pick up a telephone and make
one call to one Jewish leader and have spoken to everyone. We tried that in the 1930s and it didn’t work out too well.

“Look, after the Holocaust, we have two strikes against us. And Rabbi Hier says that a ballplayer with two strikes has to choke up on the bat, be a little more aggressive, not take any close pitches. That’s our philosophy here, and it makes us a little more militant than some of the other organizations around the country.”

When I mentioned the two-strike analogy to Hier he seemed somewhat vague—his hero is O’Malley, not Pee Wee Reese. But the attitude behind the analogy was plainly his. Hier believes that the threat to Jewry is worldwide, and his advocacy of Jewish rights extends far beyond the borders of California.

“Our focus is on the defense of Jews in America and abroad,” he said. “The threat is everywhere and we will fight for the rights of Jews anywhere. We have contacts in the Middle East, for example, that other Jewish organizations just don’t have. That’s how we got ahold of that anti-Semitic book by Tlas, the Syrian defense minister, even before the Israelis did. We have contacts in Europe, we deal with the Vatican, the British, and French governments. Our efforts are international.”

This kind of ambition requires big money, and the Wiesenthal Center has been especially successful in raising it. Like A.B. Data in Milwaukee, the center operates mostly through direct mailings, a technique that brought in 350,000 individual contributions in 1986, according to Rabbi Cooper. But not all of the center’s money comes from ten-dollar gifts. “Who runs the biggest fundraising dinner on the West Coast Jewish scene with all the big
makhers
in attendance?” Hier demanded rhetorically. “We do, that’s who. Why do they come? Because we are effective.”

Marvin Hier’s carpetbagging has excited the anger and jealousy of fellow Jewish leaders. “Some people complain that the Wiesenthal Center duplicates the activities of the Anti-Defamation League, the American Jewish Committee, and other organizations. And, in total honesty, we do to some extent,” he admitted. “But our critics don’t advocate giving all cancer research money to one medical center—they know it’s important to diversify. Hatred and anti-Semitism are not the exclusive concern of any one group. Besides, all Jewish institutions need money to survive,
not just the ones in New York. And believe me, there’s enough for everybody.”

Marvin Hier, David Arnow, and Israel Singer are self-appointed Jewish leaders. Singer’s choice of Juan Perón as his model is apt; like the late Argentinian statesman, he and his colleagues function in a world without democracy. The American Jewish community has no electoral process, no constitution, and no publicly chosen representatives. It is, if anything, a plutocracy—anyone with enough money can buy into the leadership business.

The closest thing to a central organization is the Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations. But the conference is only an umbrella group, and it deals exclusively with foreign affairs, such as Israel or Soviet Jewry. Occasionally it has produced an outstanding leader—Rabbi Alexander Schindler of the Union of American Hebrew Congregations comes to mind—but usually it is headed by wealthy, well-meaning lawyers.

The real power in the Jewish community is vested not in the presidents or the Perónistas, but in local Jewish federations around the country. The federations are the definitive expression of the communal consensus in America. Although they reflect the values and ideals of the prosperous, respectable Jewish middle class, they are dominated by millionaires. Edgar Bronfman and David Arnow may be wealthy enough to own separate organizations, but most of the heavy hitters are connected to the federations and, through them, to Israel by way of the United Jewish Appeal.

The UJA divides the country into “good” and “bad” federation towns. Detroit is considered one of the best—a model of efficiency, generosity, and affiliation. I wanted to take a look at how federated Jewish life is organized; and since I grew up in the Motor City, I chose Detroit as my model.

My first stop was my stepfather Joe Colten’s house in suburban West Bloomfield. When I arrived, Joe had just returned home from a two-week UJA mission to Israel. During his absence a great pile of mail had accumulated and his housekeeper had stuffed the letters into three brown Farmer Jack shopping bags and placed them at the foot of the stairs.

Joe was exhausted from the transatlantic flight, but habit made
him sit down and begin sorting through the correspondence. He is a youthful man of seventy who looks a little like Jack Benny, and he has an almost adolescent idealism about other people in general and the Jewish world in particular. As a kid growing up in Detroit he was an ardent Boy Scout, and he is still a credit to his troop—honest in business, unflaggingly good-tempered, moderate in his views, and annoyingly free of bad habits. He exercises every day without discussing it, goes bird-watching on Saturday mornings, studies Hebrew on Sundays (something he has done all his life), votes for liberal Democrats, reads
The New Yorker
, drinks two scotch-on-the-rocks before dinner, roots for all Detroit sports teams, and sometimes races after fire engines with a teenager’s enthusiasm.

The huge stack of letters in the Farmer Jack shopping bags had nothing to do with bird-watching or baseball, however; the letters were from the Jews. Joe Colten is, first and foremost, a federation man, a member of the Jewish community. He has spent his life working for Jewish causes, donating more time and money than he could afford. One result of this dedication is that he has managed to get himself on just about every Jewish mailing list in the country.

Joe had been away from home for only twelve days, but in his absence he had been contacted by dozens of famous people and national and international organizations. The Jewish Welfare Federation wanted him to attend an open house. The Zionist Organization of America sent him a bulletin. There was a solicitation from the Jewish Association for Retarded Citizens, an invitation to participate in a mission to Israel with the Michigan chapter of the Friends of the Hebrew University, and an acknowledgment of a contribution to AIPAC. He got a letter from the Soviet Jewry Committee asking for money, another from the Jewish National Fund beseeching him to plant trees in Israel, and a third exhorting him to “get out the vote” for the World Zionist Congress elections.

And there was a solicitation from the National Jewish Center for Immunology and Respiratory Illness in Denver; a bulletin from the American Society of Israel’s Technion University; a letter from MOPAC, a local Jewish political action committee, asking for $1,000; a note from the Allied Jewish Campaign; and a fundraising appeal from the Friends of the Israel Defense Forces, the only army in the world with a foreign fan club.

And a NATPAC solicitation from Joan Rivers; a letter from Jack Klugman asking for money for the Institute for Jewish Hospice; and a note from Arthur Waskow on behalf of the Shalom Center, for “Jewish perspectives on preventing a nuclear holocaust.”
And
an invitation to a Polish-Jewish-Ukrainian dialogue sponsored by the American Jewish Committee; a solicitation from the Anti-Defamation League; an imitation leatherette address book from the Yeshiva Gedolah of Greater Detroit (with an attached form for donations); an invitation to a United Hebrew Schools luncheon featuring “Original and Traditional Folk Music Performed Vibrantly by Laslo and Sandor Slomovitz”; and appeals from the Crown Heights Jewish Community Council of Brooklyn, the American Friends of Magen David Adom Society, and the Israel Mobile Mitzvah Centers of the Chabad Chasidim of New York.

“What are you going to do with all this stuff?” I asked when he was finished going through the correspondence. “I’ve never even heard of most of these organizations.”

Joe smiled. He had heard of them all, and then some. “You don’t have to know about Jewish organizations,” he said mildly. “You live in Israel. But for us it’s different. If you can’t do more, at least you can write a check or go to a meeting.”

“Don’t tell me you send money to these outfits. I mean, the Crown Heights Jewish Community Council of Brooklyn? Mobile Mitzvah Centers? You’ve got to be kidding.”

Joe gave an embarrassed laugh. “I won’t send them very much—just a few dollars. Nothing significant. It’s just part of being a member of the community. It’s something you do. Most of my time and whatever donation I make go to the federation anyway; that’s what really counts.”

In Detroit, the federation is a kind of municipal Jewish government in exile. When I was growing up in the 1960s, there were eighty thousand Jews in Detroit, most of them clustered in homogeneous neighborhoods in the city’s northwest corner. But in the summer of 1967, just as I was leaving for Israel, the adjacent black ghettos erupted in one of the worst urban riots in American history. Forty-three people were killed, and large parts of the city were transformed into smoldering ruins.

For people like Joe Colten, who were born and raised in the city, it was a heartbreaking and threatening development. The
Jewish community fled Detroit en masse, moving so far and so fast that a lot of people spent the winter in unfinished houses in deserted pastureland ten or fifteen miles north of the old neighborhood.

In the suburbs, the Jews rebuilt their communal life around shopping malls, car pools, and designer synagogues. Meanwhile, in the city, Detroit elected its first black mayor, the flamboyant Coleman Young. Young gave Detroit an aggressively black administration that many whites (including many Jews) considered hostile. The tone was set in Young’s inaugural address, when he advised the criminals of Detroit “to hit Eight Mile Road and keep going.” Eight Mile Road separates the city from its northern suburbs, and many of the uprooted Jews took a dim view of the mayor’s suggestion.

The years since 1967 have been hard on Detroit. The aftermath of the riots blended into the prolonged recession of the 1970s and early 1980s, and the city lost both confidence and economic momentum. It also developed a deserved reputation as one of the most violent places in America. I arrived in town shortly after No Crime Day—a Coleman Young–sponsored cease-fire that turned into a fiasco when three people, including a Detroit policeman, were murdered and eight others were shot.

“They’ve even got a murder meter on the Lodge Freeway,” Joe Colten told me unhappily. “It’s like the old automobile production meter except it measures homicides.”

“How are the numbers this year?” I asked. Detroiters follow the statistics of mayhem with the pained expertise of stockbrokers in a bear market.

“We’re still number one in the country, I’m afraid,” he said. “I just don’t think things are getting any better.”

The prosperity and security of the Jewish community contrast markedly with the violence and decay of the city it left behind. Although it is shrinking—there are about fifty-five thousand Jews in the Detroit area, twenty-five thousand less than a generation ago—the community radiates middle-class respectability and good citizenship. Most Jews belong to a synagogue or temple, and perhaps ninety percent donate money to some Jewish cause. The bulk of these donations come during the annual federation fundraising drive, which is the most important activity of the Jewish year.

Detroit has always been a good fundraising town, and in 1987
the federation was going for a new record—twenty-five million dollars. That sounded like an astonishingly large amount of money, but Colten, who was a member of the planning committee, was confident it could be raised. “We’re having our first committee meeting this week,” he told me. “Why don’t you come along and see how it’s done.”

The meeting was held on a Monday morning at eight. As we drove to the suburban Hebrew school where it was to take place, Joe filled me in on how the $25 million would be spent.

“Half of what we raise stays here in Detroit to fund local projects and services. We run two Jewish centers, a year-around camp, three day schools, old-age homes, and vocational and family counseling services. Twelve million dollars may sound like a lot, but you’d be surprised how much it costs to maintain the community. And the other half goes to Israel.”

“Don’t people mind sending so much to Israel?” I asked.

Joe shook his head. “Israel raises money for local projects, not the other way around. If we didn’t have Israel, people wouldn’t give as much.”

“Why
do
people give so much?” I asked. “I mean, there’s no Jewish I.R.S. Nobody can force them.”

Joe smiled again—a gentle, worldly smile. “People in Detroit have discretionary money, and we expect them to give. It’s a kind of self-tax. People in the community respect that. And if they don’t, well, there’s no reason to be lenient with tax evaders.”

When we arrived at the Hebrew school I found about forty people eating bagels and sipping coffee around long tables. Most of them were men in their forties, fifties, and early sixties. They wore conservative business suits and serious expressions. There was only one woman, Jane Sherman, the daughter of multimillionaire philanthropist Max Fisher; and only one of the men wore a yarmulke. In Detroit and other cities around the country, federation leadership is mostly in the hands of Reform and Conservative Jewish men with a lot of money.