Mistress of the Monarchy (25 page)

In the years to come, Blanche’s anniversary would remain an important event in the Lancastrian calendar, but the Duke was not always able to attend, and the ceremonies were rarely as lavish as this one, some only costing £10 (£3,877).

Did Katherine Swynford grace the obit that took place in 1374? If the ducal children were present, she would have had a legitimate reason for being there, but there is no record of them attending; the names of only two of the guests are recorded.
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Furthermore, the pattern of John’s travels both before and after the anniversary suggests that his womenfolk and children were in the Midlands at the time, and it looks as if he made haste to rejoin Katherine afterwards. For as soon as all was done, John rode north to Yorkshire, reaching his castle at Tickhill before 22 September. By the 23rd, he had moved south to his manor of Gringley in Nottinghamshire, and by the 25th, he had travelled the thirty miles to Lincoln.
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As Kettlethorpe was on the way, it is more than likely that he spent the night of the 24th there with Katherine.
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On the 26th, at Savenby, he ordered John de Stafford, his receiver in Lincoln, to pay a gift of twenty-five marks (£2,845) to Katherine ‘for services rendered’.
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This indicates that, after John had ridden to London for the obit, she had travelled from Leicester to Kettlethorpe to await his coming, and rode forth with him when he left it. John had gone south to Stamford by 29 September, and was back in residence at the Savoy from October to December.
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On 10 December, the Duke appointed a trusted esquire, Thomas Burton, as governor to his heir, seven-year-old Henry,
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who was now too old to have a governess. The boy was given not only a tutor, but also a chaplain and a keeper of his wardrobe, and sent to live in the household of Lady Wake, his former mistress.
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By 1376, Henry had been assigned a ‘military master’ to teach him the arts of war, and his sisters had been given their own chamber and wardrobe, a household within a household, with Katherine Swynford in charge of it.

At Christmas, it would appear that Katherine was with John at Eltham, where he celebrated Yuletide and New Year with the King.
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Since Alice Perrers was presiding over the court as unofficial queen, Edward III could hardly have complained about the presence of his son’s mistress; in fact, he probably welcomed her, for he had known Katherine since her childhood, and his kindness to her at the time of her widowhood suggests that he liked her well. Her presence at court is indicated by a New Year gift from her lover: on 1 January 1375, ‘with my especial grace’, John granted her the lucrative wardship of the lands and heir of his late retainer, Sir Robert Deyncourt, ‘and the right of the marriage of the heir for Blanche her daughter’,
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his godchild. Sir Robert was possibly related to one of
the Duke’s retainers, John Deyncourt, Constable of Kenilworth Castle,
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whom Katherine probably knew quite well.

In fulfilling his obligations as her sponsor, the Duke intended that Blanche Swynford, who at almost twelve was nearing marriageable age, should be wed to young Robert Deyncourt. On 13 January, he gave orders to his steward, Oliver de Barton, to ‘carefully guard the heir till such time that Dame Katherine will send for him, when you will deliver him and the guard of the lands to her’.
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The wording of this warrant reveals John’s respect for Katherine and his confidence in her acting autonomously. There is, however, no record of the marriage taking place, nor is there any further reference to Blanche Swynford in contemporary sources, from which we might sadly conclude that she did not live to see her wedding day. Robert Deyncourt, however, survived to press in 1387–92 for the restitution of his lands.
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On 2 January 1375, John rode to Hertford Castle to visit his wife, while Katherine presumably travelled home to Kettlethorpe. At Hertford, on his arrival, John issued an order to John de Stafford to pay Katherine one mark (£114), perhaps for a wager she had won over Christmas. On the same day, he granted her the more handsome sum of fifty marks (£4,709) per annum, possibly because she was pregnant again; this allowance was also to be paid by John de Stafford.
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John had returned to the Savoy by 14 January, when he ordered de Stafford to send a tun (a large cask holding 252 gallons) of the best Gascon wine to ‘our very dear and well-beloved Dame Katherine de Swynford’ at Kettlethorpe; ‘if none can be found, send a vat of the best wine from the Rhine that you can find’.
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This was a parting gift, for he was soon to go abroad again. Edward III had declared his readiness to make a truce with France, which was now a matter of necessity after Bayonne had fallen to the enemy; in February, John, who was to head the English embassy, was granted the diplomatic powers necessary to negotiate the truce, and by 9 March he was in Dover, ready to sail. John Wycliffe was in his retinue. The Duke arrived in Bruges on 24 March, and presided over the peace conference that lasted until 27 June, when a one-year truce with the French was concluded. By 15 July, he was back in England.
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The summer of 1375 was very hot, with a severe drought. Katherine appears to have spent these months at Kenilworth, and it was probably at this time that she bore the Duke a second son, for in August, he ordered that two chariots of wood for fuel be delivered to Elyot, the midwife of Lincoln. Elyot is elsewhere in the
Register
referred to as a midwife of Leicester, but this grant suggests that she had moved to
Lincoln to attend Katherine Swynford in childbirth when necessary and was being suitably rewarded.

John of Gaunt’s Register
for 1375 has references to two other women connected with Katherine. The first was Agnes Bonsergeant, a widow, who was rewarded with a life pension of five marks (£486) for services she had performed for Katherine when she was her nurse;
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this was the lady who had been appointed by Queen Philippa to look after her young ward. As Professor Goodman points out, it was usual for princes to award pensions to their own nurses or those of their wives, but virtually unheard of for a royal Duke to remember the nurse of his mistress in this way, and an unmistakable indication of how deeply John had come to feel for Katherine and how important she was to him. It is also possible — with her pension being awarded at this time — that Agnes assisted at Katherine’s confinement.

The
Register
also records an undated payment — which perhaps belongs to 1375 — of 66s.8d (£942) to John, son of Hawise Maudelyn, ‘
damoiselle
of our very dear and beloved Dame Katherine de Swynford’.
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Another grant made by John may also have marked a birth, for on 24 July, he ordered Oliver de Barton, his seneschal in Nottinghamshire, and Richard de Lancaster, park warden of his manors of Gringley and Wheatley in that county, to send to his ‘beloved Dame Katherine Swynford or her attorney, sixty oaks suitable for building from any of our parks thought convenient, and which, in your judgement, will best profit her for the improvement of her houses at Kettlethorpe’.
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From this and the 1372 grant of oaks, it is clear that Katherine’s programme of improvements was well under way, and that John’s new gift was intended to further assist her in making the manor a residence fit for their children. Also during 1375, he arranged for Katherine to be paid 100 marks (£9,419), to be delivered into her own hands;
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this was possibly provision for their two children.

This pattern of gifts and grants had occurred before, probably in connection with the conception and birth of John Beaufort, and it was to be repeated in the future. In 1375, it perhaps marked the advent of a second Beaufort. This evidence is not conclusive, but the repetition of this pattern on each of four occasions may well point to Katherine’s illicit pregnancies and the Duke’s discreet arrangements for the maintenance of their expanding family.

An undated warrant in
John of Gaunt’s Register
possibly belongs to the period 23 July—26 September 1375 (or perhaps 1377), and might have formed part of this provision. In it, in consideration of the good and agreeable service that she had rendered to the Duchess Blanche, John granted Katherine ‘all the tenements that we own in our honour of St
Botolph’ — this being a manor on the east side of the River Witham in the thriving port of Boston, Lincolnshire, which had been part of the Honour of Richmond since the time of William the Conqueror. The tenements (which could have been lands, dwellings, rents or commercial premises) granted to Katherine had formerly been held by Geoffrey de Sutton, doubtless a connection of the prominent Lincoln family. Katherine was to hold these tenements and the profits from them from the Duke and his heirs for the term of her life.
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Boston was a flourishing port at this date, second only to London in prosperity, and boasting fifteen merchant guilds; the beautiful parish church of St Botolph, with its famous squat tower, the ‘Boston Stump’, was rebuilt in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries by mercantile wealth. In 1369, Edward III had established a staple for wool and leather in Boston, and trade with the Low Countries was booming. Much of the mediaeval town has long since disappeared, but although there are no records to show where Katherine’s properties were, there are clues.
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All that we know for certain is that Katherine’s tenements lay in the parish of St Botolph. When, in 1774, its churchyard was extended, many old houses and shops were demolished. Hers may have been among them, but there is some evidence to suggest that she owned Gisors Hall, a substantial building that survived into the nineteenth century.

In 1372, before he relinquished the earldom of Richmond, John of Gaunt had held a ‘messuage’ — a house with land and outbuildings — in St Botolph called ‘Gisorshall’.
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Gisors Hall, probably built around 1245, stood in a part of town that, centuries later, would become South Square, a spacious and desirable residential area backing on to the river; the hall occupied the north-west corner plot. In 1282, it had been held of the Honour of Richmond by John de Gisors, after whom it was named. He belonged to an important merchant family that traded in Boston and London; in 1245, a John de Gisors had been Mayor of London. In 1282, Gisors Hall had been a capital messuage comprising buildings, gardens and a yard, set in two acres of land — an ideal town residence.

When, in 1810, Gisors Hall was partly demolished and rebuilt as a granary, stone fabric from the old building was incorporated in the new. A drawing that was made of the granary in 1856 shows a double-gabled stone frontage with two mediaeval mullioned windows sporting ogee arches on the upper floor, with Victorian brickwork arches surmounting them. At ground level may be seen two double-arched doorways to allow access for carts bringing grain — a nineteenth-century feature — and an old Gothic doorway at one end.

Katherine’s ownership of this property is suggested by the fact that
in 1427, after the death of her son, Thomas Beaufort, it was recorded that he had had a messuage called ‘Gisours Hall’ in Boston, with the customs and franchises thereto belonging, just as his father had had in 1372.
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Quite clearly, Gisors Hall was no longer a part of the Honour of Richmond in 1427, so possibly it had been alienated and sold to Geoffrey de Sutton in the 1370s, then repurchased by John of Gaunt, who granted it to Katherine Swynford, who in turn bequeathed it to Thomas Beaufort.

Katherine’s familial connections with Boston were enduring. Between 1400 and 1404, her sons Thomas and Henry Beaufort were admitted to the fraternity of the town’s Corpus Christi Guild, of which Edward III, Philippa of Hainault, Duke Henry of Lancaster, the Black Prince and Blanche of Lancaster had also been members. (There was also an associated guild dedicated to St Katherine; did Katherine Swynford ever pay her respects to her name-saint’s image in that guild’s chapel in St Botolph’s Church?)

In 1500, a substantial house called Spayne’s Place in Boston was recorded as being the property of Katherine’s great-granddaughter, Margaret Beaufort, Countess of Richmond and Derby, the mother of Henry VII. In the fourteenth century, the de Spayne family had been prominent merchants, guildsmen and aldermen in the town, and Spain Lane is said to be named after them; however, there is no trace of Spayne’s Place there, although it could have stood in Spain’s Court, an opening on the south side; the ancient buildings that line the street were probably once the family’s warehouses.

Given her connections with Boston, Katherine must have visited the town on several occasions, and become acquainted with its leading burghers; she possibly had mercantile interests there, and might have known or visited Spayne’s Place, but there is no evidence that she owned it or that it descended from her to Margaret Beaufort; on the contrary, in 1487, it was one of the properties of the earldom of Richmond, once held by Margaret’s late husband, Edmund Tudor, that were granted to her by her son the King.
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Interestingly, according to an Inquisition Post Mortem of 1546, Margaret Beaufort also held Gisors Hall. Unless it had been returned to the Honour of Richmond at some stage, it might well have passed to her by descent through the Beauforts; Thomas Beaufort left no children, so his eldest brother’s son, John Beaufort, Duke of Somerset, Margaret’s father, was his heir. In 1545, Spayne’s Place was sold by Henry VIII to the Corporation of Boston. How long it survived after that is not recorded.

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The son probably born to Katherine in the summer of 1375 — and therefore conceived during the Duke’s visit to Lincolnshire the previous September — was almost certainly Henry Beaufort, who was probably named after Henry, Duke of Lancaster. It has been suggested that Henry was the youngest of the children that Katherine bore the Duke: in 1398, in connection with his being appointed Bishop of Lincoln, he was described as
admodum puer
— just a boy. But this was probably merely a derisory comment on his elevation to episcopal rank at the age of just twenty-three. The seventeenth-century genealogist, Francis Sandford, describes the arms of Henry Beaufort in Wanlip Church, Leicestershire, as having a crescent as a cadency mark, which in Sandford’s day indicated a second son.
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More tellingly, Henry is second in the list of the Beauforts in the Letters Patent legitimising them in 1397.