Moo (47 page)

Mary had never actually watched a white person flush before, at least this close up. The other girl really did turn bright red all at once. It couldn’t be blood rushing anywhere, it was too quick for that. It had to be all those constricted veins opening up at the same time. It was probably good for her. Then her jaw dropped. Mary sat up and opened her statistics book again.

“I’m sorry,” came the voice.

“You didn’t DO anything,” said Mary.

“But you said—”

“Are you sorry for who you are, then? I don’t believe that. Nobody’s actually sorry to be white and beautiful and from a rich family. I read about a study they did once where they asked some white kids how much money they would take just to be themselves, but black. They each wanted fifty million dollars.”

“We aren’t rich.”

It was an odd conversation, Mary thought. Neither of them could see the other, and Keri’s replies seemed to come from the walls, from hidden speakers, maybe, with a quality of disembodied truth. Her own remarks took on that quality, too, because she wasn’t addressing them to anyone, she was announcing them. She said, “Didn’t you hear what I said?”

“Yes. We aren’t rich. Having a lot of farmland isn’t like being—”

Now Divonne, Mary thought, would love this. And at that moment, the door slammed open and Diane shot into the room. “There’s a riot!” she cried. “Come on! You should see it! There’s a riot over at Lafayette Hall!”

Race! thought Mary.

Alcohol! thought Keri.

They hopped off their bunks and put on their coats.

“Maybe it’s tuition hikes,” said Diane.

Reuters, January 20, 1990: Sources in San José today confirmed that the Costa Rican government, long one of the most stable in Central America, has been rocked recently by allegations of corruption. The unnamed source asserted, “The payoffs we are investigating have been made to very low-level local officials. No one in the central government is implicated. We do not understand where these stories and rumors originated, but they are false.” President Molina yesterday named Horacio Dominguin, a San José court justice, to investigate allegations that high-level officials of the liberal Social Democracy party had received more than $25 million worth of bribes.

The bribery allegations surfaced suddenly last week during a parliamentary speech delivered by Hector Salazar, a member of the ultraconservative Victory party. Representative Salazar showed videotapes of bags of money being delivered to Oscar Montez, the secretary of state, and to Juan Molina, the brother of President Roberto Molina. The showing of the tape caused an uproar in San José, with many stating that those seen receiving the money were not recognizable as Mr. Montez or Mr. Molina. Mr. Molina and Mr. Montez denied having taken the bribes.

The Washington
Post
, January 20, 1990: Mr. Richard Winston, spokesman for the Central American monitoring group Guerrilla Watch, announced today in a special press conference that members of Guerrilla Watch had recently noticed “suspicious activity” along the border between Costa Rica and its northern neighbor, Nicaragua. “We have evidence,” said Mr. Winston, “that shipments of arms are crossing the border from Costa Rica to Nicaragua. These arms are being supplied to insurgent Sandinista forces.”

Mr. Winston asserted that the Sandinistas, who are waging a hotly contested election with Violetta Chamorro, are about to resume fighting. Spokesmen for the Sandinistas denied Mr. Winston’s allegations. “There is no movement of arms that we know of,” said General José Ortega, brother of Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega.

At his press conference, Mr. Winston played videotapes showing,
he alleged, trucks belonging to the Costa Rican government “filled with weapons and ammunition” crossing the border into Nicaragua and being unloaded at warehouses allegedly under the control of the Sandinistas. That Costa Rica has no standing army was seen to cast doubt upon Mr. Winston’s allegations.

A spokesman for the Bush administration declared that these allegations, should they prove correct, “could seriously damage relations between the U.S. and Costa Rica. They are playing a dangerous game.”

The
Wall Street Journal
, January 22, 1990: While company officials refuse to either confirm or deny it, knowledgeable sources insist that Seven Stones Mining, one of the Northwest’s oldest and largest mining corporations, is near collapse, and may file for Chapter XI protection from creditors within days. The price of the company’s stock fell 3 points today on the New York Stock Exchange. Forty-five percent of Seven Stones has been owned by the TransNationalAmerica Corporation for over a year, but the parent company has been unable to raise profits or stem hemorrhaging costs. The price of TransNational stock fell 5 points as the rumors about Seven Stones hit the market, but by close of trading had rallied 2¼ points. Billionaire Arlen Martin, who made his first fortune in chicken processing, told reporters, “Sometimes you can crow, sometimes you gotta squawk, but that’s business.” Mr. Martin did not seem unduly perturbed by the bankruptcy rumors.

The Washington
Post
, January 23, 1990: Representative John H. Gonner (R-Alaska) and Representative George D. Comer (D-Texas) today introduced a bill that would provide $150 million in interest-free loans and tax rebates to western mining corporations based in Alaska, Montana, and Texas. “These states are in trouble because of this recession, and these industries are most deeply affected. If we give them a little help now, then when the recession eases, every American will reap the benefits,” said Representative Gonner. Representative Comer remarked, “The American people don’t want to see these companies go under. Jobs are lost, towns die, people’s lives are destroyed. The American people are tired of that.”

When questioned about which companies might benefit from the program, Representative Comer remarked, “Well, you can’t hide the fact that Seven Stones Mining is in trouble. That’s a legendary company, in all the history books. Companies like that were what made America great. The American people don’t like to see those kinds of companies in trouble. It shakes their faith in the economy.”

While passage of the bill is uncertain, the White House has signalled that it looks favorably upon “preserving essential American industries.”
The New York Times
, January 24, 1990: Officials in the Bush administration are surprised by the quick escalation of the new crisis in Central America. With rising threats of violence against one fragile new democracy and another, historically more stable government in turmoil, the State Department is looking worriedly southward.

“Nicaragua and Costa Rica are key,” said one State Department official. “You can see that just by looking at a map. If these two fall, then all the gains of the last few years are threatened.”

The suddenness of the crisis only highlights the volatility of politics in a region that has seen more than its share of unrest. Though officials don’t like to say so, the unraveling of the Nicaraguan government would challenge the success of Reagan-era policies in Central America. “To be frank,” said one official, “we thought we were done with that.” The almost certain election of the Chamorro government next month has been widely seen by the Bush administration as a significant foreign policy victory. At the same time, Costa Rica was considered so stable that no State Department staff are assigned to monitor events there. “Mostly, people go there on vacation and come back saying they had a great time,” said one unnamed official. “That’s the sort of reports we’ve been filing.”

The moderate Costa Rican government has been reeling from rumors, largely unsubstantiated, of corruption in high places, weapons sales to Sandinistas across the border, and faltering economic growth. Inflation here, which now stands at a moderate (for Central America) 15 percent per year, could go as high as 30 or 40 percent. Investors, heretofore enthusiastic, have recently become more skittish. “Money likes to be safe,” said economist Lionel Gift, a widely respected expert on the Costa Rican economy.

Many suspect that if the present government falls, the commitment of the Costa Rican government to environmental preservation, a commitment which some say is the strongest in the western hemisphere, could falter.

State Journal
, January 26, 1990: “Profile: Local Professor Also Acts on the World Stage,” by Dahl Kroger, features writer.

When
The New York Times
wants a quote from an expert on Central American countries like Costa Rica, they don’t call anyone at Harvard or Yale, they call local professor Lionel Gift, who lives at 4250 Agana Street, downtown. “I’m on some Rolodex there,” observes the professor, with casual modesty. “They’ve got to call someone, and I have had a lot of experience down in Central America, though not only there.”

Professor Gift is a trim, well-dressed man, his hair a little thin on
the top—the perfect image of a midwestern college professor. He even stores his glasses on the top of his head, then searches his desk for them, but appearances are deceiving. The professor is widely known for his steel-trap mind. Fellow economist and departmental chairman Edward Cozy remarks, “Lionel hasn’t been afraid to wade into the mire of the real world. Most economists feel more at home with numbers than they do with money. Lionel feels just as at home with money.”

Dr. Gift’s home, where he lives alone, is decorated with quiet elegance. The dining room, and Dr. Gift’s office, are panelled in golden oak. The kitchen features every convenience. Dr. Gift is modestly proud of what he has done to the house. “You can bring a little eastern elegance to the Midwest if you really want to,” he says with a self-deprecating smile. “The basic materials you have to work with after you’ve bought the house are solid and of good quality. I’ve enjoyed bringing my own taste and style to bear on this place. I feel as though it’s something of a jewel box. Modest and unassuming on the outside, but quite nice within.” He shows people around almost eagerly, saying, “I’m too busy with consulting and teaching to be very social, so I don’t often have a party. It’s nice to have someone see what’s been done.”

Professor Gift was born in South Dakota, in the small town of Hoary. “There isn’t even a post office there, now,” he says. “But I’m grateful for that sort of modest boyhood. I think it gives me insight into what people who find themselves on the periphery of things want and need. My father was a local banker who worked all the time trying to keep his business going through the Depression. I’ve inherited that habit. To me, that way of working is a real midwestern characteristic, too. Sometimes I’m glad I’ve inherited it, and sometimes I’m not.”

How does it feel to be a local VIP? “There’s a certain responsibility that goes with it,” Gift remarks thoughtfully, “but most of the time I’m too busy to think about it. Fame is, I think, the oddest side of success. It’s there and not there at the same time. You have to be aware that little things that you do have a larger-than-life quality about them. I try to remember that.”

The departing visitor can’t help likening the man to the home—a modest appearance concealing a treasure of style and intelligence.

State Journal
, January 29, 1990: To the Editor, I cannot remember the time when I have read a piece of fawning, shoe-licking journalism of the repellent magnitude of your recent “profile” of Lionel Gift. Did the subject write it himself? Why did the author take no note of the large number of students and faculty on campus who, at this present moment, are protesting recent actions by Dr. Gift that endanger the largest and best remaining cloud forest in the western hemisphere? I
know why. The writer was much more interested in the “quiet elegance” of Gift’s house! What kind of journalism is that? Has the
State Journal
sunk so much lower than its customary level that it simply issues press releases now? Where is the investigative reporting on important issues? A thousand species are disappearing every day. Our natural world is teetering on the brink of disaster, and writers in the
State Journal
tiddle on about oak panelling and kitchen conveniences. This sort of journalism is not only maddening, it is dangerous. Please cancel my subscription.”

State Journal
, January 30, 1990: “Faculty, Administrators Injured in Campus Melee.”

Two administrators and one faculty member suffered minor injuries today as a state university campus rally erupted into violence. Most of the windows of Lafayette Hall, a state university administration building, were broken by rock throwing as the peaceful rally sponsored by a campus political group called “Stop the Destruction” turned ugly. Officials were taken by surprise. In an exclusive interview, Provost Ivar Harstad told the
Journal
, “We would never have expected anything like this in the depths of winter.”

Although there was some racial taunting as police moved in to quell the disturbance, the unrest does not seem to have been racially motivated.

One injured administrator, Elaine Dobbs-Jellinek, a vice-president for development, was taken to County Hospital with a minor head wound. “Elaine was terrific,” said Provost Harstad. “As soon as she heard the yelling outside, she went straight out there and told them to quiet down.” Ms. Dobbs-Jellinek was listed in good condition this evening.

More seriously injured was the chairman of the horticulture department, who remains unconscious and is listed in fair condition. The circumstances of this faculty member’s injury are clouded, but he is reputed to be the leader of the group that called the rally, “Stop the Destruction.”

In a related story, Governor Orville T. Early this afternoon announced a ban on political organizations at the campuses of the state university system. “The people of this state don’t like these deconstructionists,” said Governor Early. When informed that no English professors had taken part in the violence, the governor said, “So what? They’re all closet deconstructionists out there. We’re going to get rid of them one and all.”

Today’s rally began as a sunrise vigil in front of Lafayette Hall. The silent participants, holding candles and warming their hands with their
breath, carried signs reading “Don’t rape the virgin” and “People aren’t rare, macaws are.” Out of the thirty-seven thousand students, the group numbered under fifty, most of them graduate students in horticulture.