Nemesis (25 page)

Strange
how, in this world, the effects of our first coming have been completely washed
away. Oddly, that is because none of it would have happened yet. We’re just a
few days past that arrival, and already this history has changed again. There
will be no run through the Denmark Strait, no duel with the Royal Navy, no
atomic fire in the North Atlantic. The only remnant of any of that is the queer
persistence of those two file boxes, and the lingering memories in my own head,
along with the same recollections that Admiral Tovey was struggling to recall.
The real damage that has twisted this world happened back in 1908. My careless
whisper, and Karpov’s ambition, was the undoing of everything. I could lay some
of that blame at Orlov’s feet, but what does that matter?

The
situation seemed hopeless now, and then he remembered Gromyko. I wonder what
happened to
Kazan
, he thought? We vanished right in the middle of that
engagement with the Germans.
Kazan
had gone out on point to try and
protect
Rodney
. Was it still here? I could use another of our coded
protocols to see if I could contact Gromyko, yes, I mustn’t forget about
Kazan
.

He
turned all of this over and over in his head, far from sleep, and yet very
weary with the stress of these last three days. I finally convince the Admiral,
and now he’s gone. Who knows whether Volsky will get away as I hope, and
deliver that key to Admiral Tovey. Who knows what those keys even mean in all
of this? In the meantime, here I am, a secret knowing spy aboard Karpov’s ship
of nightmares, and a good chunk of the fate of this world, and the outcome of
this war, is now sitting squarely in my lap. It’s down to me now, and time I
atoned for all the damage I’ve done here—even if it kills me. Am I ready to die
for what has to be done here? Would my death even matter if I don’t first
succeed?

It was
going to be a very long night, and the moon that was once his only comfort and
anchor to tell him where they were, was now a cold and mocking presence in the
clear arctic skies.

Part
IX

Onslaught

“War must be, while we defend
our lives against a destroyer who would devour all; but I do not love the
bright sword for its sharpness, nor the arrow for its swiftness, nor the
warrior for his glory. I love only that which they defend.”

―
J.R.R. Tolkien
:
The Two Towers

Operation
Typhoon was conceived on the 1st of August, even as Karpov
and Sergei Kirov struck their fateful bargain in the Kremlin, and the Siberian
raced north to Murmansk, arriving late the following day to spring his trap. In
doing so, the Germans were considering the next phase of operations beyond
Barbarossa, which would be deemed complete once certain final objectives were
secured. Army Group Center was still preoccupied with the taking of Smolensk
and the opening of the main highway and rail line to Moscow, a battle that had
cost the Wehrmacht two long and valuable months. Now, with Typhoon conceived as
a bold thrust on two fronts, Smolensk still remained in Soviet hands, and it
remained to be seen whether they could make it the bulwark of defense that had
so unhinged the German advance earlier.

Soviet
losses had not been as bad as in the history Fedorov might quote, but they were
still staggering. All of Belorussia, and half of the Ukraine, had been devoured
by the juggernaut of the advancing German Army. Losses to infantry, the stolid,
slow moving line holders, were particularly severe, though with foreknowledge
of how the Germans would advance and fight, Sergei Kirov had ordered most of
his precious mechanized formations held in reserve.

Barbarossa
had three primary objectives, the large industrial centers of Minsk in the
center, Kiev in the middle south, and control of the southern bank of the
Dnieper all the way to the Black Sea. Notably absent from that list was any
drive planned for Army Group North, aimed at Leningrad. That formation was
largely infantry now, tasked with occupying the line of the Dvina River, and
securing a few bridgeheads there in the event future operations in that sector
were contemplated. The movement of Manstein’s 56th Panzer Korps to the Smolensk
attack left the Army Group toothless, with little offensive power, and so it
simply took up strong defensive positions.

So in
the north, the Russians still held the line of the Dvina River from Riga to
Vitsyebsk, until the Germans pushed them out of the latter on August 5th. Near
Leningrad, the Finns and a few German divisions had pushed over the border,
driving south, but they met a wall of solidly fortified positions as they
approached the city, and it was soon clear that they would not break through. Leningrad
would therefore not endure the dreadful thousand day siege, encircled on every
side, and instead would become an arsenal of both troops and equipment that
could be sent south. It was the one bright spot in development insofar as
STAVKA was concerned. Kirov was grateful to have at least one front, and the
major industrial center of Leningrad, secure. But the threat mounting in the
center, and particularly in the south, was still very serious.

Launching
May 15th, all these initial objectives outlined for Operation Barbarossa were
attained by mid-July, and now planners spread the battle maps for phase two of
the invasion, the final objectives of the massive storm of men and arms Hitler
had thrown at Russia. New objectives were tapped by the planners at OKW, aimed
at securing Smolensk, and the industrial cities of Kirov and Bryansk. Army
Group Center would do the real work here, with two strong Panzer Armies, and
the 4th, and 9th Armies comprised of mostly infantry formations. Once these
objectives were encircled and reduced, the issue of whether or not to mount a
bold drive on Moscow would then be discussed.

Hitler
first thought it would be unnecessary, believing that the Soviet Union had to
be defeated by destroying its economic and industrial capacity. Give me their
coal mines and factories, he said, and what will they do? How could they
continue to prosecute the war? The notion that the Russians would literally
dismantle their factories and move them a thousand miles east to the Siberian
Ural district had never entered the Fuhrer’s brain, and so when the issue of an
attack aimed at Moscow was first raised by Army Chief Walther von Brauchitsch,
Hitler had batted it aside with a derisive remark: “Only ossified brains could
think of such an idea.” He had wagged a finger at the wizened German General,
explaining that he needed to learn the economics of war.

The oil
and resources were not in Moscow, but in the Ukraine, in the Donets Basin and
Donbass regions, and in the Caucasus. This is where Hitler wished to
concentrate his major effort, ordering his new favored General Manstein to
cross the Dnieper and quickly seize the Crimea to prepare the way for the
planned invasion of the Caucasus.

It
would take a lengthy and somewhat contentious discussion by Halder and Manstein
before Hitler moderated this view, as Halder argued that operations in the
South would not be impeded by any plan to take Moscow, should this be
contemplated. In a meeting with Manstein, still Hitler’s confidant and advisor,
the two men laid out the options for Hitler, voicing their opposing views.

“We are
well on schedule in the South,” said Halder. “Forces there should cross at
Dnepropetrovsk in a matter of days.” In fact, the increased German effort in
the south had them well ahead of the offensive pace set in Fedorov’s history
books. There the Germans had taken the city on the 17th of August, but did not
consolidate their river crossing operations in the area until the 25th of that
month. Kleist did not break out at Cherkassy until mid September, and Kiev
itself had held out until the 17th of that month.

Yet
now, in these altered states, the Germans controlled the entire southern bank
of the Dnieper, from Kiev to the big river bend at Dnepropetrovsk, and they did
so by late July. Elements of two Soviet Armies still held the north bank, but
they had been driven out of Kiev in mid-July, and Guderian’s powerful 2nd
Panzer Group was preparing to renew its offensive after the infantry mopped up
resistance in the city, and the engineers went to work on the bridges. Where
would it go? This was the big question on the table now.

“Guderian
will break out easily enough,” said Halder. “If they couldn’t stop us in the
street fighting of Kiev, then what little they have left will be overrun as
soon as 2nd
Panzergruppe
crosses the river in force. Do you disagree,
Herr General?”

“No,
this is the likely outcome. Guderian will break out as you say, but now we must
decide where to send him. There are two options. The first is north, bypassing
the fortified city of Bryansk and aiming at Orel. He’ll be followed by Kleist
with 1st Panzer Group. In my opinion, this force should turn east and become
the left pincer for the planned envelopment of Kharkov. This will free up the
SS Panzer Korps to move to the right, and force a crossing of the Don somewhere
near the Izyum bend.” Manstein tapped the location on the map. “About here, my
Führer.”

Hitler
leaned over the table, nodding, but saying nothing. Izyum was a little over 100
kilometers southeast of Kharkov, where the Donets twisted around some wooded
high ground.

“Then
you do not intend to push into the Donets Basin?” Halder had believed this
would be Manstein’s strongest argument. The big bend of the Donets was a major
mining center for ore, coal, and other resources, with many mills, smelting
factories, and foundries. It was a plum in the Fuhrer’s eye, and suited his
idea of fighting economic warfare perfectly.

“Not
immediately,” said Manstein. “Yes, that is a direct route to Rostov from
Dnepropetrovsk, but we must not forget Kharkov—a major industrial center and
enemy supply hub. If the SS drive directly into the Donets Basin, they will be
doing exactly what the enemy expects. The Russians are dug in there, with
forces they have been moving up from Rostov and the Caucasus. For that matter,
the terrain is in their favor, very rugged and unsuited to swift mobile
operations. It would be a battle of attrition, and work for infantry, not the
elite motorized SS formation. So I propose to take that Korps over the Donets
somewhere between Kharkov and Izyum, and then drive through Kupyansk. This way,
when we turn east, the river is on our right flank, and it will be very
difficult for the enemy to mount any threat from that direction. The SS will,
in effect, be enveloping the entire Donets Basin, cutting it off from Soviet
forces in the Don sector. They will be between those two rivers, shielded by
both in any movement to the east. Such a maneuver will also cut off all the
Soviet forces still fighting in the Kuban.”

“And
Kharkov?” Halder pointed. “If the SS turn east after crossing the Donets, then
there is no right pincer for that operation.”

“The
Russians will not know that for some time. When the SS force their crossing, it
will be perceived as part of a major operation to envelop Kharkov—which is why
I need Kleist on the left. If he simply follows Guderian, then there is no
threat to Kharkov, and it will sit there until we mass enough infantry to
reduce it, which could take some time, particularly if we do not envelop the
city and cut road and rail connections bringing in reinforcements. The only
question I have for you, General Halder, is whether 2nd
Panzergruppe
is
strong enough to reach Orel as you might plan?”

Halder
thought for some time, his dark eyes intense on the map. “Hoth,” he said,
speaking of the commander of the German 3rd
Panzergruppe
. “I will send
Hoth to reinforce that thrust. Once these forces reach Orel, they will be in
the perfect position to envelop any enemy defense at Bryansk, and to pose a
direct threat to Moscow.”

“Moscow?”
Hitler spoke for the first time, looking from one man to the other, and as
Halder had spoken the word, Manstein remained silent.

“This
issue was bound to come up in these deliberations,” said Halder. “I am aware of
your remarks to General von Brauchitsch, my Führer, but do not be so hard on
me. Moscow is the center of the entire Soviet political and military apparatus.
It is the single most important communications hub in Russia. Everything goes
through that city, unless it is coming from the eastern front. We have been
dancing about the matter, afraid to suggest what will soon be the inevitable
conclusion—that we must take Moscow if we are to eventually win this war.
Otherwise what are we doing with this plan to drive on Smolensk? It has but one
obvious purpose—to threaten Moscow.”

Hitler
raised an eyebrow, but said nothing. The reality on the ground was speaking to
him now, for Halder’s argument was plain to see. Most of Army Group Center was
committed to the attack against those three city objectives now, Smolensk in
the north, guarding the road to Moscow, Bryansk in the south, and the city
named for his adversary, Kirov, between the two. Halder tapped the map at Smolensk
first.

“I
believe the enemy will muster every division they can to try and stop us here,
just as they will when we break through and advance on Kirov and Bryansk. When
they lose all three, and after we have Kharkov in the south, the Soviets will
be running out of places to hide. They will have no recourse, other than to
fall back on Litebsk, Voronezh and the Don. That is when the real question of
whether to strike Moscow must be answered. Once we have Guderian at Orel, then
we must choose, either to drive north through Tula and advance on Moscow to end
this war, or to turn east to Voronezh and Litebsk, preferably the former, and
then drive for the Volga and push for a linkup with Volkov.”

“He
will certainly be happy to hear that you haven’t forgotten him,” said Hitler.

“Indeed,
my Führer. A linkup with Orenburg has always been a major objective for winning
this war. That must be achieved either in the Caucasus, or to the east—on the
Volga. I do not think we can expect that he will come to us. Therefore we must
conceive operations aimed at breaking through to him. So in the north we now
throw a storm of steel against the strongest remnant of the existing Red Army,
between Smolensk and Bryansk. Once those objectives are secured, we can
transition to Operation Typhoon. If Moscow is selected as the final objective
of this operation, then Guderian continues north. But if we wish to prosecute
the war in the south, then that force forms the northern pincer for a new
operation. Let us call it Southern Wind for lack of anything better at the
moment. In this instance, Guderian’s mobile group becomes a sword that will
cleave the entire Soviet Union in two. So if Moscow is forsaken, then we must
go east to the Volga. There is no other way.”

“What
about the Caucasus?” said Hitler, as if Halder had forgotten the principle
object of his planning for so many months. “What about the oil?”

“General
von Manstein will shortly deliver the Crimea as a first step in that
direction,” Halder replied. “It was my understanding that the SS Korps he
argued for so ably, was there precisely for the purpose of taking Rostov. Now,
it seems he has other ideas.” On that note, Halder folded his hands behind his
back, waiting.

Manstein
knew a curtain call when he heard one, and he cleared his throat. “My Führer,
once I have crossed the Donets as I described earlier, then Steiner’s SS Korps
will be in the perfect position to turn east or to cross the Don at any time of
our choosing. This will pocket all the enemy forces in the Kuban. Then we simply
clench our fist and the Kuban is yours—and the oil with it. This is the purpose
of my thinking. And let us not forget Volgograd either. Sergei Kirov has held
Volkov at bay there for over fifteen years. He will not want to give him that
city now, and so I expect it to be heavily reinforced. This is another argument
that begs us to leave Moscow in our wake and turn east. Halder’s northern
pincer will be well to the north after Guderian takes Orel and I will be in the
south. The two forces could then easily converge on Voronezh.”