Authors: John Barron
Operation Solo (19 page)
The most revealing and definitive document the Soviets allowed Morris to study, in this case for just one night, was a “Stenogram” filed by the KGB or Ministry of Foreign Affairs from Peking. Written in a professional and objective style, it reproduced the February 1966 conversation between Premier Kosygin and Chairman Mao. Reading it, Morris could imagine listening to what they said and see in their words the enormity of the chasm between the Soviets and Chinese. He knew that everyone on the little SOLO
team, as Eva referred to their closest FBI conspirators, trusted and believed him. But he doubted that others would give credence to his version of the “Stenogram” unless they saw it verbatim. He had no camera, so he labored through the night copying it by hand. Nearly three decades later, some passages leap out from the copy he made for the FBI:
team, as Eva referred to their closest FBI conspirators, trusted and believed him. But he doubted that others would give credence to his version of the “Stenogram” unless they saw it verbatim. He had no camera, so he labored through the night copying it by hand. Nearly three decades later, some passages leap out from the copy he made for the FBI:
In Mao's view, war strengthens people and tempers them and therefore war is nothing of which to be afraid⦠Mao said that although it was true that the raids [U.S. bombing of North Vietnam] were killing some people, he nevertheless feels that this experience strengthens the Vietnamese people⦠Kosygin then asked Mao if the People's Republic of China would join the USSR in a coordinated plan of action to assist the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. Mao replied that the Chinese did not have to worry about this. The people of North Vietnam can get their revolutionary experience by themselves. They need this experience⦠Mao then stated in a sarcastic manner that the USSR could deal with the West while the Chinese handled the East⦠Mao continued in a very crude and offensive manner showing none of the usual Oriental politeness. Mao stated that the Communist Party of China does not favor settlement of these problems [between China and the Soviet Union]⦠In Mao's opinion, the Chinese Communist Party and the Soviet Communist Party have opposing viewpoints and the Chinese want to state these differences sharply⦠Mao said sarcastically, “We are dogmatists. We are war-like. We do not believe in disarmament. You get together and discuss general and total disarmament. Discuss your big illusions.”⦠Kosygin then asked Mao if he would agree to a meeting of Communist Parties to reduce frictions among them. Mao responded, “Maybe in a thousand years.”⦠Mao then began to talk in a very strange way. He expounded on how tough the Chinese are. He
rambled on about how the Chinese walk around in zero weather without coats because they are tough. He explained this in a way indicating that he believes the Chinese are a “super race.” He went on like this in a very childish manner.
rambled on about how the Chinese walk around in zero weather without coats because they are tough. He explained this in a way indicating that he believes the Chinese are a “super race.” He went on like this in a very childish manner.
Brezhnev on September 26, 1966, gathered Hall, Morris, Suslov, and Ponomarev around a table in the Kremlin and spoke with relative candor about the Soviet economy before turning to the even more dolorous subject of China.
He began with agriculture:
You know about the differences and complexities of our agriculture [just as Morris secretly understood the Russian language, he understood Soviet jargon, in which the words
complex
or
complicated
often meant a
real mess
]. Our assets are that the rural areas are socialist. We have a broad variety of climates and soils in our country. We forced the growth of industry but did not take proportionate action in our agriculture. This is why we are now looking for solutions in agriculture. In an economic sense we need to make farming profitable and then introduce material incentives for our people engaged in agriculture. The problem of raising productivity is in part also related to the use of chemicals, insecticides, etc.⦠It is necessary to tell the full truth that for three years we had difficulties in agriculture. This was not only due to bad weather but also because of some mistakes. Today, there have been noticeable changes. There is stability and guarantees for the future of those engaged in agriculture⦠Maybe these things are not important to you in the United States but we have had real difficulties for three years. But in two years now we have made great changes. This change is reflected in a different attitude on the part of agricultural workers toward labor⦠There has been continuous democratization of collective farms. There
has been an introduction of pensions for age and disability. Privileges are now given to the farmers that the workers already have. This has improved the mood of the peasantry, and we are getting millions of letters of thanks from the peasantry.
complex
or
complicated
often meant a
real mess
]. Our assets are that the rural areas are socialist. We have a broad variety of climates and soils in our country. We forced the growth of industry but did not take proportionate action in our agriculture. This is why we are now looking for solutions in agriculture. In an economic sense we need to make farming profitable and then introduce material incentives for our people engaged in agriculture. The problem of raising productivity is in part also related to the use of chemicals, insecticides, etc.⦠It is necessary to tell the full truth that for three years we had difficulties in agriculture. This was not only due to bad weather but also because of some mistakes. Today, there have been noticeable changes. There is stability and guarantees for the future of those engaged in agriculture⦠Maybe these things are not important to you in the United States but we have had real difficulties for three years. But in two years now we have made great changes. This change is reflected in a different attitude on the part of agricultural workers toward labor⦠There has been continuous democratization of collective farms. There
has been an introduction of pensions for age and disability. Privileges are now given to the farmers that the workers already have. This has improved the mood of the peasantry, and we are getting millions of letters of thanks from the peasantry.
As to industry, just some brief comments on some major problems. Because of rapid growth we have achieved a tremendous level of capital investment in industry. We need to supply all this new industry, and this is why the smallest lagging behind even in one industry, for example, the electrical, has its effects. Because of this tremendous growth, we always have problems. This growth means we need new scientific centers, cadre, etc. We have to be alert to science and technology in other countries. At the same time, we must train engineers and skilled workers for these new industriesâ¦
To build our industry, the idea came up to place new plants near the raw materials. As a result, there are new cities where the raw materials are located. This has created problems because it was necessary to build apartments, schools, airports, trollies, railways, stadiums, etc.; this is just another of our problems.
One of the most important problems is creating incentives for greater production and quality. Gradually, we have started to shift work to a five-day week. This again creates its own problems as to how to use equipment, which is idle on these [off] days, in the interest of society, and yet at the same time provide the worker with two days of rest.
In surveying the economy, Brezhnev was dispassionate; when he talked of China, his voice hardened with anger:
We have not lost [any of] our friends in the world except in China⦠China's policy hinders our common effort and helps the U.S. aggressive position. The recent
policy of China has been to try to influence Indonesia, other countries of Asia, events in Africa and even to interfere in Cuba. These policies as uttered by Chen Yi and Liu Shao-Chi ended in failure. In Indonesia, they resulted in the destruction of the Communist Party⦠The economic policies of China are a complete failure. All their leaps and communes accomplished was to throw their economy back to the year 1958. These are their figures.
policy of China has been to try to influence Indonesia, other countries of Asia, events in Africa and even to interfere in Cuba. These policies as uttered by Chen Yi and Liu Shao-Chi ended in failure. In Indonesia, they resulted in the destruction of the Communist Party⦠The economic policies of China are a complete failure. All their leaps and communes accomplished was to throw their economy back to the year 1958. These are their figures.
We have no contact with the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. We have only a sketchy picture. In 1960, the Chinese were actively putting forward four points, 20 points, 40 points about banning nuclear weapons and other world issues. Now they are silent. During the past period, there was the impression held by some that if the Communist Party of the Soviet Union reached agreement with the Chinese Communist Party, everything would be all right. Some also felt that the situation between the Chinese Communist Party and Communist Party of the Soviet Union was from bad things done by the Soviet Communist Party. Now, everyone sees that is not merely a question between us and China. How they used to shout about “great power chauvinism.” But today things are much clearer and people understand. The Chinese would not mind unleashing a war provided others do the fighting. The Chinese work day and night to stir up conflicts between Parties. They are crude and vulgar.
In a laudatory evaluation of SOLO intelligence, the CIA wrote, “Whoever this source is, he obviously has back-room access.” While anything Brezhnev confided to Morris was interesting or important to American analysts, Morris' private conversations with Suslov, Ponomarev, Mostovets, and others in “back rooms” frequently revealed more. Ponomarev two days later gave Morris an even better understanding of Soviet attitudes and intentions toward China:
We foresee no reconciliation with the Chinese⦠We are against a split in the communist movement; at the same time fear of a split will not cause us to give in on any matter of principle. We will continue to fight for our line⦠The Chinese Communist Party has its strategic plan to split all the communist parties and establish communist parties under its leadership. They seek to split off from five to ten people and then call them a Party. Already, we have examples of this in Brazil, Chile, Belgium, Switzerland and other countries. This action is worse than anything the Trotskyites ever did. That is why it is very important to expose them⦠There are some Parties that now agree with the Chinese. Some of these same Parties could not be bought or influenced by the bourgeoisie. Obviously, the Chinese succeeded where the bourgeoisie failedâ¦
One argument of the enemy is that there are no national Parties. The Chinese Communist Party says that the Communist Party of the U.S.A. is an agent of Moscow. So if Moscow asks that polemics subside or stop and your Party automatically stops such polemics without consideration of principles, this would indicate to them that you were following the baton of Moscow. Besides, the Chinese Communist Party is acting in such a way that we may have to intensify our polemicsâ¦
The Chinese haven't the slightest understanding as to what is happening in capitalist countries today but they are establishing closer relations with the capitalist countries and class. This is happening in Japan, England, France and West Germany. I want to point out to your Party that some U.S. monopolies are also establishing closer ties with the Chinese. They are doing this through establishments in Japan and other placesâ¦
George Picheau (phonetic), a representative of French business, was recently received by Premiere Chou En Lai and he was very attentive to the representative of French business. He told him France should
not be worried about their recognition of Formosa. He then suggested perhaps the French not only might be interested in opening a trade mission in Peking but also possibly an embassy. If France was not ready for diplomatic relations, Chou En Lai noted that the trade mission could act with ambassadorial powers.
not be worried about their recognition of Formosa. He then suggested perhaps the French not only might be interested in opening a trade mission in Peking but also possibly an embassy. If France was not ready for diplomatic relations, Chou En Lai noted that the trade mission could act with ambassadorial powers.
Now let me give you a little detail or story. As you know, information from China is not always complete or reliable.
Top Soviet leaders personally briefed Morris and allowed him to study top-secret documents for several reasons. They wanted to explain their problems, positions, and objectives; they wanted him to understand the rationale behind their orders to the American party so that he more effectively could implement them; and they sometimes wanted his advice. It was a given that he could make notes to aid his memory; he was not supposed to copy a document or reproduce a briefing verbatim in writing. Normally, he and Eva had a fallback or cover story, if by mischance the handwritten copies and overly voluminous notes were discovered: The writings were intended for Hall; they were concealed on their persons to avoid detection by Western customs inspectors; and, oh, he really did not realize there was a limit to how much he should write. On this mission (the twenty-first), such excuses would not be plausible because Hall was along, and as the contraband of Soviet secrets he put on paper grew, so did his apprehensions.
After writing until almost 4 A.M., he lay down exhausted, but anxiety and tension deprived him of sleep. In the morning his frail and ghostly appearance caused Ponomarev to propose that before flying home he rest at a Kremlin resort. Ponomarev even offered to go with him. “You know, we always worry about your health and we both work too much.” Morris thought that Ponomarev was sincere, that he was speaking as a real and considerate friend. However, the gesture left him utterly unmoved.
While outwardly accepting the friendship of Ponomarev, Suslov, Mostovets, Andropov, and Brezhnev, Morris regarded none of the Soviet oligarchs as a friend. In myriad conversations
with the FBI, he made it a point of honor never to refer to any of them as a friend or comrade or by any other appellation connoting respect or goodwill. He once said to Boyle, “God may forgive them for what they have done; I can't.” Eva recalls only one occasion during their long and loving marriage when Morris angrily lashed out at her. He was trying to decompress in Geneva, and they were walking along the lakeshore on a clear, cool evening. She remarked that a Politburo member who invited them to dinner at his
dacha
doted on his grandchildren. “Anyone who cares so much about children must be a nice man,” she said innocently.
with the FBI, he made it a point of honor never to refer to any of them as a friend or comrade or by any other appellation connoting respect or goodwill. He once said to Boyle, “God may forgive them for what they have done; I can't.” Eva recalls only one occasion during their long and loving marriage when Morris angrily lashed out at her. He was trying to decompress in Geneva, and they were walking along the lakeshore on a clear, cool evening. She remarked that a Politburo member who invited them to dinner at his
dacha
doted on his grandchildren. “Anyone who cares so much about children must be a nice man,” she said innocently.
“Never talk like that!” he shouted. “That man has the blood of hundreds of thousands of people on his hands and he never can wash it off. How do you think he got where he is? Never forget. We are dealing with mass murderers.”
Still, under other circumstances he would have gone off with Ponomarev, because during a few days with him on the Black Sea he could have learned a lot. However, two months in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the stress of stealing secrets while feigning indifference to them, and the burden of toadying to the insufferable Hall had drained him physically and mentally. Besides, he already was surfeited with information he believed the U.S. government needed to know. So he told Ponomarev that he previously had booked reservations for a vacation in Florida and that Eva would be sorely disappointed if they had to cancel their plans and forfeit deposits.
Because the Soviets did not want Morris to be seen in public with Hall, who was listed on customs and immigration records throughout the West as an ex-felon and prominent communist, Morris was able to make the trip back to the United States alone. Hall always flew first class and insisted that Morris, his “Secretary of State,” and Eva do the same. Morris felt a little guilty whenever he settled into the spacious forward cabin of a Boeing 707 or 747. Considering his age, his physical condition, how often he flew, the distances he traveled, and the fact that Soviet money usually paid for his tickets, such feelings were unwarranted. Yet, he thought,
Here is a country that can't afford to give most of its children an orange or banana, and it's spending money on first-class tickets
.
Here is a country that can't afford to give most of its children an orange or banana, and it's spending money on first-class tickets
.
In Switzerland, he sorted through all he had learned and formulated for the FBI an analysis of SovietâChinese relations.
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