Read Royal Romances: Sex, Scandal, and Monarchy Online
Authors: Kristin Flieger Samuelian
Tags: #Europe, #Modern (16th-21st Centuries), #England, #0230616305, #18th Century, #2010, #Palgrave Macmillan, #History
into a single episode, the editor goes on, “Florizel jumped into his
sitetsbib
phaeton, and arrived in
statu quo
at B – – m [Buckingham] house
before six o’clock; in the evening he went to his dulcinea, whom
he entertained with a facetious account of the preceding night’s
merriment” (110).
In Walpole’s account, none of the injuries resulting from the night’s
partying happens to the Prince, but his drinking is nonetheless a lia-
bility. His refusal to abstain imperils his own health. Is his inability to
hold his liquor a function of his youth, the excessive amount he con-
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sumes, or some more intractable frailty? The Prince and “St. L – –”
(Anthony St. Leger) both drink at least “a dozen bottles each,” but
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St. Leger remains “as sober as a Methodist Preacher” (
Effusions
20).
Worse, the Prince’s debauchery and the shocked reaction it produces
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bring on a recurrence of the family malady in his father. The King’s ten
nights of sleeplessness anticipate the chronic insomnia that plagued
him throughout the autumn and winter of 1788 and 1789, when
sleep was sometimes measured in quarter hours, and a good night
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was when he slept for two hours without waking (Macalpine and
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Hunter 63–64, 65). Even more suggestive is Walpole’s assurance that
“whenever he fretted the bile fell on his breast.” The migration of bile
upward engages in the same combined diagnosis, as a way to reconcile
the coexistence of disparate symptoms that characterized accounts of
the King’s illness in 1788.33 If father and son did suffer from porphy-
ria, the son’s attacks, which probably began at about this time, would
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W a n d e r i n g R o y a l s
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have been exacerbated by his drinking habits, private or otherwise.34
Walpole may have been right that the King’s “rigorous” system of
abstinence helped to keep his malady in check,35 but his gossipy dis-
approval also suggests that the son’s overindulgence exacerbated not
only his own but also his father’s symptoms. Such a system of trans-
mission by displacement, in which pathogens migrate from the mind
to the liver and from one member of a family to another, explodes the
distinction Walpole seems to be trying to draw between the prudent
and virtuous King and his madcap son. If the two royal bodies are
as permeable as this suggests, perhaps the real crisis, the real scandal
that till now has only been whispered, is not how much but how little
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a regency will change the governance of the nation. The son is the
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apparent, not the presumptive, copy of the father. They are the same
body, neither whole nor entire, at once king and not king.
Rex noster
insanit
; long live the King.
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An anonymous engraving published on April 1, 1786, and titled
The April Fool, or, The Follies of a Night
(BM Satires 6937) antici-
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pates the constitutional crisis the marriage had the capacity to precipi-
tate. The Prince dances with Mrs. Fitzherbert to the accompaniment
sitetsbib
of Burke, Hanger, and Louis Weltje on makeshift instruments (Weltje,
the celebrated cook, plays on a warming-pan, Hanger his cudgel).
Scattered on the floor are various texts that reference the secret or
illicit nature of the relationship: copies of Susan Centilivre’s
A Bold
Stroke for a Wife
and Colman’s
The Clandestine Marriage
, and a piece
of paper that reads “I’ll have a Wife of my own.” In the background
an open door reveals a curtained bed with what looks like a cross
or crucifix above the headboard. Behind the dancers on the far wall
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are two engravings from
Hamlet
with speeches sketched in above the
frames. In one, the Lord Chamberlain as Polonius addresses George
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III with the words, “I will be brief / your noble Son is Mad.” In the
other, Laertes, wearing an elaborately plumed hat, lectures an Ophelia
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who resembles Mrs. Fitzherbert, saying, “He may not as Inferior per-
sons do / carve for himself for on his choice depends / the sanity and
health of the whole state.” The use of “sanity” instead of the more
common “sanctity” may be designed to echo the reference to madness
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in the other picture. In the 1623 Folio
Hamlet
, the line reads, “the
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sanctity and health of the whole state” (1. 3. 21), and Pope’s 1725 col-
lected edition retains this wording. In the 1765 collected works, the
line appears as “the sanity and health of the whole state” (1. 5. 24).
Johnson’s note quotes from William Warburton, who asks, “What has
the
Sanctity
of the state to do with the prince’s disproportioned mar-
riage? We should read with the old quarto SAFETY” (
Plays
151n3).36
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R o y a l R o m a n c e s
What
has
the sanctity of the state to do with the prince’s dispropor-
tioned marriage? Inasmuch as sanctity can mean inviolability—whole-
ness as well as holiness; the English word carries the same associations
as the Latin—the answer is much.37 A prince who marries according
to the dictates of the monarch and who adheres to proportion and
to the royal prerogative keeps the line of succession—and, by a rea-
sonable extension, the state—inviolable.38 This is true of the English
Prince as well as the Dane. The latter is only “subject to his birth”
(1. 3. 18).39 The former is bound by specific Acts of Parliament that
constitute him as both royal heir and “only a subject.” In the engrav-
ing, however, the word is “sanity.” “Sanity” appears less often in eigh-
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teenth-century editions of
Hamlet
than either “sanctity” or “safety,”
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but the word meant soundness of body before it meant soundness of
mind, and it carried this as a secondary meaning through the mid-
dle of the nineteenth century.40 This rash marriage jeopardizes the
romso - PT
wholeness, the impermeability of the body politic. A prince would
have to be insane to render the state so unsound. This is the implicit,
lioteket i
if satirical, conclusion of the engraving. Polonius’s declaration “Your
noble Son is Mad,” like Warren’s blunt “
Rex noster insanit
” three
sitetsbib
years later, is a statement whose attendant horror makes it unspeak-
able as soon as it has been uttered. The logical explanation for either
the Prince’s or the King’s behavior is intolerable. Both diagnosticians
must therefore qualify their conclusions out of all meaning. Warren
may not say that the King is mad, but if he talks instead of his disorder
he is saying “the same thing.” It is the same thing because there is
no definition of madness in the eighteenth century that will answer
all questions about the King’s malady. Neither delirium nor original
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madness, it is behavior that everyone recognizes as unfitting him for
the duties and responsibilities of a king.41 It defies both comprehen-
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sion and management. “Mad call I it,” says Polonius in his qualifica-
tion, “for to define true madness, / What is’t but to be nothing else
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but mad?” (2. 2. 93–94).
The engraver of
The April Fool
is not in fact depicting a mad prince,
any more than
Filial Piety
depicts a mad king. Madness in the first
picture is shorthand for excess, in this case an excess of selfishness.
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It is a way to measure behavior that is off the scale of reasonableness,
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a prince who wants what he wants and is willing to let the country
go hang. Madness is childishness: behavior that needs to be watched
carefully and corrected or even restrained.42 It is defined by the
responses of others: if the King throws tantrums and jumps up and
down on his bed, he needs to be swaddled in bedclothes or confined
in a straightjacket or a restraining chair. He needs to be disciplined
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and coddled like a child: his sleeping and bowel movements anxiously
recorded, his diet controlled. Madness is to be nothing else but mad.
You must be mad to think you can get away with marrying a Catholic
behind the King’s back. You must be mad to think that London is
under deluge, an oak tree is the King of Prussia,43 a pillow your dead
infant son. And you must be
nothing else
; your behavior must be
explicable in no other terms than as madness. A king is not a child. If
he behaves like a child, he cannot continue to be king. Someone must
be appointed to take his place.
But what if the one in line to replace him also has a reputation
for behaving like a child? Both
The April Fool
and the later regency
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debates stress the link between irresponsibility and madness. To
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behave as the Prince was believed to have done in 1785, as the King
was rumored to have done in 1788, is to put the safety, sanctity, and
sanity of the nation at risk. Health and sanity are homologous; from
romso - PT
the perspective of the state they become indistinguishable. This was
the argument the Foxites made in 1788 for an unlimited regency.
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Filial Piety
and
The April Fool
make the same claim, only about the
son, rather than the father. The argument for a regency is the same as
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the argument against it. The Prince’s incapacity both contrasts with
his father’s and augments it—makes it terrifying.
The Royal Legend and
the Condemnation of Memory
Shakespeare’s royalty provided especially useful models for commen-
tators on the royal family in the decades surrounding the turn of the
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nineteenth century. To begin with, characters like Hamlet and Prince
Hal had malleable relationships to their own sources. The referents
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for these semi-fictional heirs apparent were either spread out among
a variety of source texts or deep within what amounted to the prehis-
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tory of English royalty. Like the Leontes of
The Winter’s Tale
, they
entered the public imagination as intertexts, adaptations reshaped
to fit altering cultural expectations—a melancholy-mad would-be
avenger or a Machiavellian pseudo-profligate. Moreover, sources and
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adaptations had both been around long before the Revolution and
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the Act of Settlement, the two events that defined English monar-
chy in the post-Stuart era. Part of history but safely beyond local
relevance, their use by contemporary writers is an example of what
Clare Simmons has called “the interaction of the creative and the
factual” (
Reversing the Conquest
3) in the interpretation of history.
Shakespeare’s royals could be used to offer ironic contrasts: the rulers
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R o y a l R o m a n c e s
of the present degraded age versus the nobility of their literary/his-
torical forebears. Or they could provide sentimental or pathetic asso-
ciations.
Filial Piety
does both: the ailing King is an image of the
dying Henry IV, whose fears about the succession and the nation are