Six Crises (78 page)

Each of us should participate in this and other political campaigns not just by going to the polls and voting but by working for the candidate of his choice.

Also, my fellow Americans, it means sacrifice—not the grim sacrifice of desperation but the rewarding sacrifice of choice which lifts us out of the humdrum life in which we live and gives us the supreme satisfaction which comes from working together in a cause greater than ourselves, greater than our nation, as great as the whole world itself.

What I propose is not new, it is as old as America, and as young as America, because America will never grow old.

You will remember that Thomas Jefferson said, “We act not for ourselves alone, but for the whole human race.”

Lincoln said, “In giving freedom to the slave, we assure freedom to the free—honorable alike in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save or meanly lose the last, best hope of earth.”

Teddy Roosevelt said, “Our first duty as citizens of the nation is owed to the United States, but if we are true to our principles we must also think of serving the interests of mankind at large.”

And Woodrow Wilson said, “A patriotic American is never so proud of the flag under which he lives as when it comes to mean to others, as well as himself, a symbol of hope and liberty.”

We say today that a young America shall fulfill her destiny by helping to build a new world in which men can live together in peace and justice and freedom with each other. But there is a difference today, an exciting difference, and the difference is because of a dramatic breakthrough in science. For the first time in human history we have the resources, the resources to wage a winning war against poverty, misery and disease wherever it exists in the world.

And upon the next President of the United States will rest the responsibility to inspire and to lead the forces of freedom toward this goal.

I am sure now that you understand why I said at the beginning that it would be difficult for any man to say that he was qualified to provide this kind of leadership.

I can only say to you tonight that I believe in the American dream because I have seen it come true in my own life.

I know something of the threat which confronts us and I know something of the effort which will be needed to meet it.

I have seen hate for America, not only in the Kremlin, but in the eyes of Communists in our own country, and on the face of a mob in Caracas.

I have heard doubts about America expressed, not just by Communists, but by sincere students and labor leaders in other countries searching for the way to a better life and wondering if we had lost the way.

And I have also seen love for America in countries throughout the world, in crowds in Accra, in Bogota, in the heart of Siberia, and in Warsaw—250,000 people on the streets on a Sunday afternoon singing, crying with tears running down their cheeks and shouting: “Niech Zyje America!”—Long live the United States!

My fellow Americans, I know that we must resist the hate, we must remove the doubts, but above all we must be worthy of the love and the trust of millions on this earth for whom America is the hope of the world.

A hundred years ago, Abraham Lincoln was asked during the dark days of the tragic War Between the States whether he thought God was on his side. His answer was, “My concern is not whether God is on our side, but whether we are on God's side.”

My fellow Americans, may that ever be our prayer for our country. And in that spirit, with faith in America, with faith in her ideals and in her people, I accept your nomination for President of the United States.

Also by Richard Nixon

Beyond Peace

Seize the Moment

In the Arena

1999: Victory Without War

Real Peace

No More Vietnams

Leaders

The Real War

RN: The Memoirs of Richard Nixon

Chapter 1

1
Actually, as Chambers later testified and as he recounts in his book,
Witness,
both these dates are wrong. He entered the Party in 1925 and left it in 1938. But in both cases, what was involved was a process rather than a single moment—a whole series of events and not one sharp entrance or break—which makes his lapse all the more understandable.

2
Later I learned that Dulles had first offered this position to Adlai Stevenson and that Stevenson, in declining the offer, had, in a letter to Dulles, suggested three other names he might consider. One of the three was Alger Hiss. But Dulles and Stevenson were to end up on different sides when Hiss finally was tried for perjury. Stevenson gave a sworn deposition that Hiss's “reputation for veracity, for integrity, and for loyalty was good.” Dulles testified against Hiss.

3
Chambers' memory of minute details was one of the very things, incidentally, that raised doubts in the minds of some Committee members as to his credibility. How could he possibly recall names, places, and events with which he had last been associated over ten years before? In retrospect, I believe that two factors contributed to his ability to do so. First, even his most bitter enemies had to agree that Chambers was a man of extraordinary intelligence. In addition, as a Communist underground agent, he had to train himself to carry vast quantities of information in his head so that he could reduce to the minimum the risk of ever being apprehended with documents on his person. As a result, his mind's retentive capacities were developed to an astonishing degree.

4
Tom Murphy, the government prosecutor in the perjury trials, was to prove that Hiss had good cause for worry on both counts. The car and the rug became incriminating pieces of evidence which Hiss could not explain away.

5
In both instances, this should have been “Twenty-eighth Street.”

6
Tom Murphy did not repeat my mistake. His disarmingly courteous but relentless questioning of Priscilla Hiss was to be a major factor in convincing the jury of Hiss's guilt in the perjury trials to come.

7
During these tense days, there were several rumors concerning what went on behind the closed doors of the Grand Jury. One newspaper story on December 13 reported that the much-sought Woodstock typewriter had been found. Actually, the typewriter was found several months later and produced during Hiss's first trial for perjury.

8
This is not the time or place to tell the full story of the dramatic battle between Hiss and Chambers and their counsel at the two trials. But I would not want this opportunity to pass without paying a deserved tribute to the Federal prosecutor, Tom Murphy, now a Federal District Judge in New York, for his superb presentation of the case against Hiss, and to the agents of the FBI who added to the laurels of the world's finest investigative agency by tracking down bits of evidence going back over a period of ten to fifteen years with almost unbelievable efficiency. As Whittaker Chambers so accurately pointed out, without Murphy and the selfless devotion of the FBI agents, the successful prosecution of Alger Hiss would never have been possible.

Chapter 2

1
Even from a political viewpoint, I should have recalled one of Jim Farley's favorite axioms: “The most important lesson for a politician to learn is that he must always be sure he can carry his own precinct.”

2
My father's comment after the broadcast, incidentally, which Pat remarked sounded just like him, was: “It looks to me as if the Democrats have given themselves a good kick in the seat of the pants.”

Chapter 3

1
I thought that some of the press coverage of the President's difficulties in this period was unnecessarily savage and sadistic. Some reporters insisted on counting up and duly reporting the exact number of “fluffs”—actual or imagined—the President might make in a speech or press conference. Knowing what agony he was going through, I would become so infuriated on reading such reports that on more than one occasion I slammed the paper or magazine into the fireplace.

Chapter 4

1
It was in Pegu, Burma, on Thanksgiving Day 1953—during my first overseas mission as Vice President—that I had previously faced a crowd of Communist-led demonstrators. After a special civic luncheon, Mrs. Nixon and I were scheduled for a visit to a nearby Buddhist temple. An angry, sign-carrying crowd of hecklers had gathered just outside the City Hall, spurred on by a Communist agitator shouting anti-American slogans from a sound truck. The government officials and members of my own party urged that we drive but I insisted that we stick to our plans and walk to the temple. I also insisted that Mrs. Nixon and I walk first and alone—not surrounded by Burmese officials and guards. This is just what we did. When the first demonstrator accosted me, I asked him to point out the leader of the group. I retained the initiative I had gained, walked up to him, asked what his grievances were—and by this direct action put him completely on the defensive and, at the same time, swung the crowd to my side. We then went on our way, with a now overwhelmingly friendly crowd following along behind.

2
The twelve Secret Service men were magnificent. They saved our lives and, just as important, not one of the attackers was killed or seriously injured. On my recommendation, each was later presented with an Exceptional Civilian Service Award (Gold Medal), with a special citation for his outstanding conduct in Caracas. One of my predecessors, incidentally, had declined the offer of Secret Service protection because “no one would ever bother to shoot a Vice President.”

3
Betancourt learned the lesson well. Three policemen were killed during demonstrations which broke out as soon as President Kennedy's forthcoming visit to Venezuela was announced, early in December 1961. Starting two weeks before his scheduled arrival, Venezuelan government authorities began a systematic round-up of known Communists and left-wing agitators, shut down all Communist offices and several student organizations, and suspended publication of one newspaper,
Clarion.
Twelve hours before Kennedy's arrival, the highway from Maiquetia Airport to Caracas was closed to all normal traffic. Everyone at the Airport was checked and re-checked for concealed weapons. When the official party drove into the center of the city, 35,000 steel-helmeted troops were on duty, thousands of them standing three-feet apart with fixed bayonets, facing toward the crowds lining the highway. Helicopters hovered overhead. The U. S. cruiser Northampton stood just outside Caracas harbor, reportedly with a detachment of battle-ready U. S. Marines. At the time of my own arrival in Caracas in 1958, by contrast, no precautions had been taken. There were no troops on the parade route, and the handful of police on duty melted away at the first sign of demonstrators.

4
Not all the rioters, of course, were Communists. But this misses the major point: there can be no doubt that the riots were Communist-planned, Communist-led, and Communist-controlled. Fresh evidence of this fact keeps turning up. Just a few months ago, in December 1961, two Peruvian students—self-confessed former Communists—told of Communist organization of the San Marcos riots in Lima and also publicly apologized to me for their own part in these demonstrations.

Chapter 5

1
Even Khrushchev got into the spirit of the occasion again. As we continued our stroll, it happened that Voroshilov and I walked on ahead and Khrushchev fell behind. When I turned around and asked if he did not want to walk with us, he replied with a somewhat sardonic smile, “No, you walk with the President. I know my place!”

2
See Appendix for text of this speech.

3
The official blackout of all news concerning my visit and the time of my arrival in Warsaw was rendered a failure because the Polish Government had not taken Radio Free Europe into consideration. RFE had flooded the airwaves with announcements—and so the word was spread throughout the population of Warsaw and its suburbs.

4
He had turned in a particularly outstanding job the week before in Leningrad, where he demanded to see a new Soviet atomic icebreaker—just as we had shown U. S. atomic ships to visiting Soviet officials earlier.

Chapter 6

1
I recall a pungent comment which illustrates this point. During my first year at Duke Law School, I was concerned about my ability to keep my scholarship in competition in a class that numbered over twenty Phi Beta Kappas out of a total enrollment of fifty. I had expressed this concern to Bill Adelson, a third-year man who ranked near the top of his class. Adelson, who had noted the long hours I spent studying in the law library, reassured me: “You don't have to worry,” he said. “You know what it takes to learn the law? An iron butt.”

2
The full text of this speech may be found in the Appendix.

3
The Challenges We Face,
McGraw-Hill, New York.

4
An indication of the difficulty of our task was a Gallup Poll published in late-July 1960, showing the decline in GOP support, 1952–60, among various occupational groups. In 1952, 28 per cent of the farmers said the Republican Party “best serves” their interests; in 1960, only 18 per cent. Among white-collar workers, the drop was from 44 to 29 per cent.

5
That this was just campaign rhetoric was demonstrated by President Kennedy himself, barely half a year after taking office. In a late-June press conference he changed his tune and said the United States was outproducing the USSR, that the Soviets won't catch up with us by the year 2000, and that Soviet total product has increased but one per cent in comparison with that of the U. S. in the past 48 years. All of which led Roscoe Drummond to comment: “I thought I was at the wrong press conference or that . . . the man who was talking was President Richard Milhous Nixon . . . One could fairly say that President Kennedy has hurled Mr. Nixon—or at least his arguments—at Mr. Khrushchev and scored a bull's eye.”