Someone Wishes to Speak to You (23 page)

It had been as a result of the depth of such a degree of empathy that had developed between them that they had become so relaxed and uninhibited in each other’s company and were thereby able to speak freely about their respective values in life, and their varied aspirations. But in spite of Mathew having developed such a deep level of understanding and respect for Addie, he was unable to tell her anything about his current infatuation with Jan Bushney. Although during his stay in Inyanga he had experienced so much to distract him from his thoughts, he was unable to escape from the fact that he yearned for her. As a consequence, he decided that the only way he would be able to put an end to his mind becoming increasingly preoccupied would be to arrange another meeting with her at the earliest opportunity. He wanted to tell her exactly how strong his feelings were and to find out, no matter how counter-productive it might turn out to be, whether it was reciprocated.

When, two days later, it was time for Mathew to leave the Kinloch’s home, he knew that he would miss them hugely on his return to a more solitary existence at his Castle Beacon camp. He had thoroughly enjoyed their company.

On Mathew’s final night, they had a most enjoyable
braai
under a large oak tree on the front lawn of the homestead. The smell of roasted pork, the smoke of the fire and the celebratory atmosphere reminded Mathew vividly of the
gathering in the grounds of the Victoria Museum on the evening he had met Jan. He remembered how he had been so instinctively attracted to her. During the night he dreamt about being alone with Jan, on safari in the wilderness of Rhodesia’s pristine bushveld. While they relaxed in each other’s arms by the side of a smoldering camp fire, having just consummated their love for one another under a sky studded with the brightest of celestial stars, the dream had abruptly come to a horrific end. A rifle shot had rung out and Jan’s body, splattered with blood, had become limp in his embrace. At the same time, he caught a glimpse of a man in military fatigues disappearing into the night.

7

Spirit of Rhodesia

By January 1976, Umtali had become almost like a garrisoned township, with the presence of uniformed troops and military vehicles being a common occurrence. Mathew noticed how the previously carefree atmosphere of the city had become quite tense. The majority of civilians had become tight-lipped, reluctant to talk about the ramifications of the increased insurgency, although most knew only too well what the situation was.

Although he had observed the changes in Umtali life, Mathew was so taken up with his field studies that it had made little impact on him. He hadn’t considered the relevance of the small groups of Africans that he had started to encounter on the mountain forest paths near his Castle Beacon camp. He had failed to note the significance of the number of unfamiliar African faces he had seen when visiting Edgar and Josiah’s village to learn more about their Manyika language, folklore, and tribal traditions.

In early February, much to Mathew’s surprise, he received a long letter from Lucienne posted from Washington DC to tell him that she had recently married Daniel Olingo, and that she was now expecting their first child. She went on to provide Mathew with a brief biography of her new husband which she had marked, ‘Strictly confidential and for your eyes only’. Daniel had initially graduated from the University of Chicago’s Department of Mathematics with a Master of
Science degree in Financial Mathematics. Soon after his graduation, he joined the US Foreign Service and was posted to the African Section of the State Department in Washington, known fondly by its officers as ‘Foggy Bottom’.

In December 1973, Daniel was approached by a talent spotter for the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to see whether he would be interested in carrying out intelligence work. This approach had resulted from a First Secretary at the State Department informing a colleague how Daniel ticked two boxes on the list of the agency’s requirements; as a mathematician that could be involved in code breaking, as well as a competent linguist. After a successful interview, Daniel embarked on a course at Langley, which resulted in him becoming a fully fledged CIA operative. She continued:

Although Mathew was pleased to hear that Lucienne was now settled into an obviously happy matrimonial life, he became slightly emotionally disturbed in being reminded about their many months of happiness together, in Africa and America. Her letter had brought to the fore his longstanding concern that he let her down badly by not marrying her when she became pregnant, and then persuaded her to undergo the awful experience of going to San Diego to have an abortion. It was a scar that he was certain he would always have to bear on his conscience.

During one of Jim Prior’s visits to Castle Beacon, Mathew was interested to hear about the activities of the European and African civilians who belonged to the Psychological Operations Unit (PSYOP), which worked in conjunction with the military’s Psychological Action Group (PSYAC).

‘You know, the main objective of the Rhodesian Ministry of Information booklet
Red for Danger
, which was dispatched in its thousands to many different countries, was to highlight that the ZANU and ZAPU political parties were just cover
organisations for Communist expansion in Africa,’ explained Jim. ‘It recorded that Robert Mugabe received support for terrorist activities against white-owned farms in Rhodesia from China and North Korea, whereas Joshua Nkomo received most of his support from Russia. The booklet stressed that as the Western countries were actively pursuing a policy of attainment, it was important that neither ZANU nor ZAPU should elicit support from the West.’

‘I haven’t come across it,’ said Mathew, ‘but David Montgomery, the director of the botanical gardens, showed me the Ministry’s
Anatomy of Terror
booklet – quite horrific.’

‘The chief aim of
Anatomy of Terror
was to summarise the crimes perpetuated by “Communist-trained thugs” and to record a chronology of the brutal attacks already committed against black Rhodesians from December 1972 to May 1974. As the Bush War has progressed and the government’s control of insurgency operations has diminished, the 1st PSYOP of the Rhodesian forces has recently implemented Operation Split-Shot – basically the distribution of leaflets to promote fear among the black population. They have graphic images of ZANLA/ZIPRA recruiters forcing Africans into training camps, raping women in front of their children, spreading sexually transmitted diseases and killing defenceless civilians who fail to cooperate with them. The leaflets are telling them that all their worst fears will come to pass if the insurgents get a foothold.’

For these reasons, both the Provincial and District Commissioner’s headquarters in Umtali were busy setting up protected villages in the TTLs and distributing brightly coloured stickers to be posted in shops, restaurants, bars and bus terminals, which contained a series of self-censorship slogans including: ‘Think About National Security, Don’t Talk About it’; ‘What You’ve Said May Blow Up a Truck’; and ‘Your Tongue Could Pull a Trigger’.

Jim showed Mathew one of the Ministry’s most recently
released pamphlets designed to highlight the strength of the Rhodesian security forces and the significant benefits for people living in the protected villages. As its main thrust, it underlined how many thousands of grateful Africans had taken refuge in the newly created defended villages, or lived in communities protected by security forces and the paramilitary wing of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The leaflet also stated that although the terrorists were well-armed with modern automatic rifles, machine guns of communist manufacture, explosives, grenades and powerful bazookas, they were scared to come into direct contact with the security forces. Instead, they were pursuing ‘soft targets’ on which to inflict their mayhem.

‘One of my civilian friends, a successful businessman whom I met in Salisbury,’ said Jim, ‘is currently serving as a territorial PSYOP operative in the Fort Victoria Shangaan area of Southern Rhodesia. While he’s undertaking military duties, which take up almost six months of the year, he dresses as a civilian and works directly with Africans of the Shinga tribe. During his operations in the
bundu
(bush), usually working with a mixture of African army regulars and civilians, they visit tribal chiefs in order to paint as damaging a political picture of Robert Mugabe as possible. The PYSOP operatives try to convince the quite independent Shinga tribespeople that ZANU is no friend of theirs and stress just how counter-productive it would be if they were to support Mugabe and his political party in the future. During these propaganda missions, they always highlight that the main aim of the Rhodesia Front’s government is to seek the most satisfactory solution possible for the future of all citizens of the country, both black and white.’

‘Does your friend seem to think the missions are working?’ asked Mathew. ‘You said yourself the Shinga tribespeople are independent.’

‘He’s optimistic, but that’s not their only objective. These field missions are also an attempt to assess the mood, hearts and minds of the tribal communities, as well as to glean as
much information as possible about the sentiments and political views of the chiefs they talk to. Once they return to Salisbury, my friend says they report back to the military command operations in order to amongst other matters guide the security forces on any counter-insurgency measures that they consider may be required.’

Mathew had been so preoccupied with his studies that he had been unaware of much that Jim was explaining to him. He was at the beginning of a very steep learning curve.

Whenever Mathew had driven to the Kinlochs’ property or to Salisbury, he always took time to stop at the top of Christmas Pass and pay his respects to the Kingsley Fairbridge Memorial, with its magnificent view over the vale of Umtali. The statue of Fairbridge had been unveiled by Queen Elizabeth, the Queen Mother, in July 1953 in honour of the man who had done so much at the beginning of the century to establish the Child Immigration Society (which was later to bear his name), to help orphaned and underprivileged children from the overcrowded slums of Britain. Over the years, the society had provided training at farm schools for several thousand children who had emigrated to under-populated regions of what was then the British Empire, which included Southern Rhodesia and, to a greater degree, Australia.

With Mathew’s very liberal views on life, he could not help admiring how much this South African-born Rhodesian boy, and Oxford Rhodes Scholar, had helped to give a meaningful life to so many children who had, over the past half century, contributed so much to the quality, diversity and development of parts of the British Commonwealth.

In the spring of 1976, Mathew spent a weekend staying with Sir Roger Willock and his delightful, vivacious wife, Devra,
whose company he always relished. On the Saturday afternoon, Devra had left the men to their own devices while she visited a friend. The civilized beauty of Sir Roger’s flower-filled garden contrasted with the subject that dominated their conversation.

‘It seems to me,’ said Mathew, ‘that since Mozambique’s recent independence, the relationship between the European and African populations has deteriorated greatly. The effect the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army insurgency is having on the morale of the European inhabitants of Umtali and the Manyika tribespeople is incredibly damaging, and getting worse all the time. Chief Chidzikwee seems utterly despondent.’

‘As you’re relatively new to Rhodesia, let me give you some background information about the events that led up to the UDI,’ said Sir Roger. ‘You may be surprised; it’s not so clear cut as you may imagine. It began when Sir Roy Welensky dissolved the Federal Parliament in the summer of 1962, which led to the break-up of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. The liberally minded Prime Minister of Southern Rhodesia, Sir Edgar Whitehead, lost the general election to the newly formed Rhodesian Front party led by Winston Field, with Ian Smith as his deputy. Indeed, when Whitehead lost, Harold Macmillan made a point of saying how “deeply grieved” he felt about the defeat, as Whitehead “had represented, to the best of his power, the more moderate leader of the European politicians, with a tradition of mediation and even of liberalism”. When Harold Wilson led the Labour Party to victory in 1964, he was eager that an amicable settlement should be reached in Southern Rhodesia that would represent a satisfactory solution for both the European and African communities. When Ian Smith took over the leadership of the RF party and became Prime Minister of Southern Rhodesia, he was charged by the party to secure the country’s independence and to restore order in the African townships. But, at the same time, Harold Wilson made it quite clear to Smith that
independence without majority rule was non-negotiable.