CHAPTER 23
TANGIER, MOROCCO
K
ealey took a long swallow of water, then allowed Rayhan to rinse his wounds and wrap a pair of towels around his wrists.
The two men from the embassy left the room and said they would try to make sure no one was listening on another extension. Kealey could not be concerned who might be listening. It reminded him, as he had been feeling all day, what things did not matter much this close to disaster.
He sat on the edge of the table and waited impatiently for Clarke to come on. Kealey imagined that he was not in his office, was probably at the White House, and it took time for calls to be kicked forward. When Clarke came on it was without the usual edge. Clarke knew that Kealey was safe; otherwise he would have given him the name on his passport, William Loman.
“Good to hear from you,” Clarke said. “Your partner?”
“With me on speakerphone,” Kealey answered.
“Where are you?”
“Tangier police station with your embassy boys,” Kealey said. “Sounds like you’re on speakerphone—where?”
“ECR,” Clarke said. “The President has just arrived.”
“Mr. President,” Kealey said as he collected his thoughts. He wasn’t sure how he was going to sell this.
“Glad you’re all right,” Brenneman said. “What’ve you got?”
“Sir, I’m ninety-nine percent sure the device is onboard a seaplane.”
Kealey looked at Rayhan who stood anxiously beside him. She looked like she had been through trench warfare.
“Did you see it? The plane?” Clarke asked.
“Yes and no. We spent the day bumping heads with an Iranian intelligence head who had a cell waiting at the airport,” Kealey said. “Rayhan got away, but they held me until the police swept through the medina. Before they fled, he showed me a photo.”
“And you believe him,” Clarke said. It wasn’t a question. Obviously Kealey believed him.
“He was a straight shooter till the end,” Kealey said. “Gave us a lot of useful intel. Took out a sniper who had us pinned down.”
“Because?” someone asked. It sounded like Carlson.
“They were the ones who found, then lost, the device,” Kealey said. “The terrorist was a lone wolf until he fell in with the group I told you about, KOO. Then it was as if he had afterburners—bombs to spare and transportation. We both wanted him. The Iranian doesn’t want to see a bomb they possessed blowing up in one of our cities.”
“Gotta love their priorities,” Carlson said.
“That’s not the issue,” the President said. “The question is whether we can trust him.”
“This plane supposedly belongs to Khalid?” Clarke said.
“I don’t know that,” Kealey replied. “It would be a reasonable assumption.”
“Khalid al-Otaibi?” the President asked.
“Yes, sir,” Clarke answered.
“Jesus. That’s a helluva bramble to go tromping around in.”
There was a voice from someone in the room. A back row along the wall; an analyst on a laptop, most likely. “The USS
James E. Williams
picked up a seaplane, origin the Bouri Oilfield in the Mediterranean, a little over an hour ago.”
“Where?” the President asked.
“Just north of the Azores, sir.”
“That puts them about four hours from our shores if that is the plan,” Clarke said. “Can we get a flight plan?”
“We also don’t know if it’s another feint, like the jet the Spanish forced down,” said a distinctive voice, that of NSA Chief Perry. “The Iranians are not friends of the Saudis. This could be some kind of plan to get us to do dirty work for them. We alienate the Prince, he withholds his oil, we have to buy from Iran.”
“I don’t think so,” Kealey said as patiently as he could. “I believed him.”
“You believe him enough to shoot down a plane that—according to what I’m seeing here—is owned by one of the most important figures of an essential ally and does not appear to have been hijacked.” Carlson made a disgusted sound. “I don’t like it.”
“We can force him down,” Breen suggested.
“Over international waters?” said CIA Chief Andrews. “If we do that, and we’re wrong, we will be dragged in front of the World Court for sanctions and a hamstringing the likes of which we’ve never seen. Even if we’re right, we couldn’t prove they were going to use the device.”
“Oh, please,” Kealey said. “There is probably a terrorist onboard!”
“ ‘Probably,’ ” Andrews said. “That’s not enough. We would bring it down, the Iranian frigate would sail over—it’s in the region—a Russian sub would surface, and we’d have an ugly little standoff that ended with us turning the plane over to the Saudis, who don’t even have to be there. It would be the Cuban Missile Crisis and Vietnam rolled into one on the high seas: we’d be stigmatized for years, which is also something Tehran would love to see.”
“At the very least, if we force the aircraft down the device will not make it to our shores,” Kealey said. “That’s what we’re all after, isn’t it? We bow to international pressure, release the seaplane, maybe blame it on Iran, and it goes to Tangier or Riyadh. Meanwhile, Ms. Jafari and I go there and wait. We call in the troops before the damn thing can come back at us some other way.”
“And how do we explain our actions?” the President asked.
“We lay it out, from the U-boat to the seaplane,” Kealey said.
“We did that before we invaded Iraq,” Perry said. “That was a dozen years ago and the world’s still laughing.”
“Since when did thin skin trump national security?” Kealey asked. “Mr. President, the Iranians sunk one of their own frigates to conceal what they found. Terrorists covered their trail in Morocco with bombs. We have evidence.”
“Three-quarters of the world couldn’t tell you where Morocco is,” Perry remarked. “They won’t care. All they’ll hear are indignant Saudis all puffed in their robes, international bankers rushing to the defense of Khalid al-Otaibi, and threatening financial sanctions—which the Russians and Chinese will rush to support, I should add—and our military put on trial for roughing up a man who has done so much good with his billions.”
“Including funding a terror group,” Kealey said.
“We can’t prove that!” Perry snapped.
“We probably could, if Kealey is right, but not in time,” Andrews said.
“There’s always the chance that if there is a terrorist onboard, he’ll trigger the bomb in a panic,” Clarke said. “Many of these suicide bombers do when cornered. We may even sink a Russian sub in the process.”
There was nervous laughter.
“That outcome makes us look bold and puts Moscow on our side,” Clarke went on. “There’s also the possibility the terrorist may lose his nerve and surrender. Almost twenty percent do that. Then we can take the device and show it to the world.”
“Khalid will claim we planted it there,” Perry said. “Mr. Kealey’s Iranian friend will back him and expose him and Ms. Jafari.”
“He did not know our names,” Rayhan snapped.
There was a brief silence. “Thank you, Ms. Jafari,” the President said.
“What if we force the seaplane down and have a team waiting to board her from underwater?” Clarke went on. “No one will know.”
“If it blows, we suffer one hundred percent casualties,” Breen pointed out.
“I realize that, Admiral,” Clarke replied tensely.
“We’ve got the flight plan,” Carlson interrupted. “After leaving the oilfield it landed briefly in the Algarve and continued flying southwest over the North Atlantic—destination the same as it’s been two times in the past eighteen months. Right here.”
The room went dead. Kealey couldn’t tell if they were gripped by contemplation or by a sudden stab of fear. He hoped it was the latter.
“Hold on,” Perry said. “We’ve got data coming from the NRO.”
The National Reconnaissance Office was the spy-eye-in-the-sky organization responsible for collecting and analyzing audio and visual data from all sources and from all vantage points. Someone must have requested surveillance of the seaplane.
There was barely audible chatter in the room, no more than a hum on the speakerphone. Presumably the President and his counselors formed their usual little pockets. Clarke and Breen huddled together, Andrews had turned to consult the analysts, Perry and Carlson were talking with the President. Ultimately, the President would have to make this call. Brenneman tended to be cautious, but he was a lame duck. That species was unpredictable. Either they had their eye on preserving an overall legacy or on finding something that would define them, that would serve as the centerpiece for a presidential library. Some of them actually had the well-being of the nation foremost. Kealey did not know which way this would go as the little cabals prepared to give him their strong, last advice. None of them had seemed interested in shooting the plane down, let alone eager. Kealey wasn’t sure he blamed them. All he was giving them was his impression of skimpy intelligence provided by an enemy of the state.
Kealey looked at
his
partner. He didn’t realize how bad he must look until he saw the distress in the young woman’s eyes. Her hand was on the table, some mud still under her manicured fingernails despite the shower. He squeezed her fingers lightly, wincing as his wrist rubbed against the towel. Rayhan winced, too, as though they were the unlikeliest of twins. He poked the mute button on the phone.
“Hey, at least neither of us was shot,” he said.
“Yet,” she joked, “you’re running up quite a phone bill.”
Kealey chuckled.
“What would you do if you were the President?” she asked.
“I was just wondering that myself,” he said. “You?”
“I like General Clarke’s plan. Force it down, get onboard.”
“Then deal with the red faces if we were wrong,” Kealey said, nodding. “I’d back that one, too. We could get a team over from the Sixth Fleet pretty quick, probably be over and done before the Iranian frigate or the Russians get there.”
Perry interrupted the chatter. Kealey killed the mute button.
“Analysis of the seaplane is Code Green,” he said. “Conversation from the cockpit normal. Airspeed trending a little fast against headwinds, but not significant. There is nothing overtly actionable.”
“Except Mr. Kealey’s report,” Clarke said. “That’s not going to show up in the NRO analysis.”
“And we deeply respect both Mr. Kealey and his report
and
his courage and that of his partner,” Carlson said. “But our policy, Mr. President, by charter and by deed, is to act on what we know or strongly suspect, not what we hear from an enemy.”
“There’s also the virus to consider,” Perry noted. “That came from inside, possibly from the very same people Mr. Kealey wants us to trust.”
“Or the Chinese,” Andrews said.
Kealey had no idea what they were talking about. “I’m a little at sea here,” he said. “All I know for certain is that over half a million lives are potentially at risk, including your own. Our policy has mutated and adapted during this administration. There’s a briefcase nuke out there and we need to stop it.”
“Thank you for your perspective,” the President said.
Kealey didn’t know if he was being told to shut up or if that was for everyone. He didn’t care. What came next was what mattered.
“We have time to deal with the takedown option,” the President went on. “In the next hour I want operational overviews for that operation and for a quarantine if we allow it to land in accordance with its flight plan. Questions?”
That was the end of the debate. At least a takedown was still on the table—which was different from a shoot-down. The aircraft was not going to be molested. Kealey waited until Clarke got back on. He was no longer on speaker.
“What virus?” Kealey asked.
“Something that spread through all the intelligence divisions, blinded us when we started looking for the plane,” Clarke said.
“Inside job?”
“Seems like it,” Clarke said.
“Like someone was watching the clock and knew when to punch it.”
“Do you have any idea who it is?”
“Not yet,” Clarke said, “and until we get the system up and running and forensics working on it, we won’t.”
Kealey wondered if that was a plant from Khalid—or the Iranians. “You said something yesterday, I think it was. About voices raised against us doing something. I’m a little foggy—do you remember what that was?”
“Yeah, whether the terrorist was headed to Algeria instead of Tangier,” Clarke said. “Most people said Tangier.”
“Who didn’t?”
“I can’t remember offhand . . . it’s been a long day for me, too. Are you saying they could be right?”
“No. I’m saying the top priority of any mole is to protect his position,” Kealey said. “You do that with disinformation to start. You only move to sabotage if you have to because your fingerprints will be traceable. You bolt as soon as it’s safe.”
“So—the algorithm is who backed a wrong horse or two on this, then left,” Clarke said. “Right. Should’ve seen that.”
“Not our priority yet,” Kealey said. “Finding him or her won’t lead us to the terrorist.”
“True.” Clarke took a moment to refocus. “How solid are you on this Iranian? And why didn’t you tell me about him?”
“Because I didn’t want you worrying about two things,” Kealey said. “We had it covered.”
“Not as fully as you thought.”
“No,” Kealey agreed. “Do we ever?”
Clarke didn’t answer.
“Everything he did, everything he told us, convinced me—we both wanted the device out of the hands of the terrorist,” Kealey said.
“Everything he did led you into a trap.”
Now Kealey was silent. What could he say? That was true, too.
“I’m for the takedown,” Clarke said, “but I don’t know that we’re going to get it. I’ve been reading up on Khalid. He could choke hell out of banking and oil.”