The Gestapo and German Society: Enforcing Racial Policy 1933-1945 (57 page)

63 Panzinger joined the SA in July 1933: he is quoted in Aronson. 230: cf. HShne, 164ff.

" Gertrud Meyer, Nacht Ober Hamburg: Berichte and Dokumente (Frankfurt, 1971), 81. These were Vertrauens-/Verbindungs-Leute, Gewahrs-Leute, and Informations-Leute.

"BAK: R 58/856, 1i6ff.: i Sept. 1941, 'Schlusselmaf3ige Stellenverteilung auf die Staat- spolizei(leit)stellen'.

Schellenberg, 319-20.

as IMT xx. 128.

fiy Cf. Marssolek and Ott, 183, and Schwarzwalder, 407-8.

Walter Otto Weyrauch. 'Gestapo Informants: Facts and Theory of Undercover Operations'. Columbia Journal of Transnational Law, 24 (1986). 554ff. An expanded German account is due to be published by Vittorio Klostermann (Frankfurt).

71 Most V-persons were paid, but some offered information on a more or less regular basis for no fee.

72 Weyrauch. 560.

Frohlich, 212.

71 Ibid.

'* Ibid. 577ff. Cf. BAK: 58/6io. There the case of a priest was dealt with in accordance with a decree of i Feb. 1937, which indicates that the matters were regulated nationally. As for the information contained in his resume, his 'fee' of 'RM 6o monthly' is noted, his area of expertisenaturally enough political Catholicism-his reliability, and so forth. More on this topic is given in ch. 5.

75 Weyrauch, 579.

16 Ibid. 565, 567,-569.

77 Recruiting a social spy network involved asking some people to do things they might not feel good about. One young woman, a good National Socialist, who was unwilling to co-operate by informing simply said so, and nothing further occurred. See Melita Maschmann, Fazit: Mein Weg in der Hitler-Jugend (Munich, 1981), 43ff. Other examples of Gestapo pressure are in Christoph Klessmann and Falk Pingel (eds.), Gegner des Nationalsozialismus (Frankfurt, 1980), 195ff.

'" See HStA D: RW 34, Nr. 33, Staatspolizeistelle Cologne.

Detlev Peukert, Die KPD im Widerstand: Verfolgung and Untergrundarbeit an Rhein and Ruhr 1933 bis 1945 (Wuppertal. 1980), 123.

az Mehringer. 'Die KPD'. 228-9.

"3 Marssolek and Ott, 183, also speak of KPD members being forced to spy; Peukert, Die KPD, 125 ff., also hints at the pressure applied.

s' Peukert, Die KPD, 12 1. See also Allan Merson, Communist Resistance in Nazi Germany (London, 1985), Soff.

"" HStA D: RW 34, Nr. 33.

Meyer, 77ff.

"5 The RSHA included the SD 'Domestic' (under Ohlendorf) and SD 'Foreign' (led by Schellenberg).

86 Lawrence D. Stokes, 'The Sicherheitsdienst (SD) of the Reichsfuhrer SS and German Public Opinion, September 1939-June 1941' (John Hopkins University PH.D. thesis; Baltimore, 1972), 51 ff. For a recent interpretative essay see Michael Geyer, 'National Socialist Germany: The Politics of Information', in Ernest R. May (ed.), Knowing One's Enemies (Princeton, 1986), 310ff.

Regional heads were the 'inspectors of Security Police and SD'; these men were supposed simultaneously to be in charge of Gestapo Offices (Stapoleitstellen) and the SD Main Sectors

"' Stokes, Sicherheitsdienst, 86.

Schellenberg, 9.

(Leitabschnitte), as well as the Criminal Police Offices (Kripoleitstellen): beneath the regional level the net spread to the larger centres or strategically important ones, such as border-crossing points. See Black, 300, app. E. The SD came under the Reich (state) budget in 1940-1, according to Browder, 'Sipo'. 366ff.

"' George C. Browder, 'The SD: The Significance of Organization and Image', in Mosse (ed.), Police Forces, 207.

92 George C. Browder, 'Die Anfange des SD: Dokumente aus der Organisationsgeschichte des Sicherheitsdienstes des Reichfiihrers SS', VjZ 27 (1979), 506. There were complaints that the SD's 'secretive surveillance' opened the door to denunciations. See Berchtesgaden Ortsgruppe, 23 Jan. 1935, to Kreisleitung, in StA M: NSDAP 357: the file contains other such concerns. That the Party continued to be touchy about the SD is evident from Hess's directive of 14 Dec. 1938, in which he tried to set out how the two should work together: he reiterated that 'the task of the SD was not to keep watch on the Party, but the enemies of the Party': BAK: R58/275, 191 (a).

vs Buchheim, 71.

va Browder, 'The SD'. 221.

Ibid. 220.

" A copy of the law is in Riirup (ed.), 64ff. Karl Heinz Hoppner said that when it came to supporting the Gestapo's efforts, such as in the 'destruction and neutralization of the opposition', the SD was of little help because it was the task of the Security Service to investigate failures in all spheres of life. Individual cases were examples. It was not its task to institute proceedings with any other offices against individuals': IMT xx. 193, 196-7; cf. Eichmann, in Lang (ed.), 30.

vs See the memoranda in LEA Ko: 662,6/383, esp. SD-Abschnitt Koblenz to AuBenstelle Trier, 3 Dec. 1941 and 22 July 1943.

9 Werner Best, Die deutsche Polizei (Darmstadt, 194J), 65.

Ohlendorf, in IMT xx. 329.

vv Sta W: NSDAP GL Mainfranken, IV/Nr. 8. For more on the SD in Mainfranken see Broszat et al. (eds.), Bayern in der NS-Zeit, i. 592tf.

Schellenberg, 9. For comment on the collaboration between the two kinds of spies see Browder, 'Sipo', 187.

"" IMT xx. 140-1. Cf. Wilhelm Hoettl, in PS 2614, ibid. xxxi. 37-8.

112 See Affidavit SD-65, ibid. xlii. 465-8.

10" Bernd Wehner, Dem Tater auf der Spur: Die Geschichte der deutschen Kriminalpolizei (Bergisch Gladbach, 1983), 161.

"'' Buchheim, 113.

Ibid. 127.

"'" All in BAK: R58/27 13ff., Organisation der Polizei, 1935.

Wehner, 162.

Ibid. xx. 157.

115 Ibid.

10 Wehner, 2011.

"' Peukert, Volksgenossen, 253ff.

"'Such a development is also confirmed by Ohlendorf (IMT iv. 345), Gisevius (ibid. xii. 167ff.), and Kaltenbrunner (ibid. xi. 309).

13 Koehl, The Black Corps, 562, says that the SD lost its powers of investigation and arrest by 1937, and that 'put it in the shade as a truly important service'.

The article is in HStA D: RW 36, Nr. 7. 5-7.

116 Eric D. Kohler, The Crisis of the Prussian Schutzpolizei 1930-32', in Mosse (ed.) Police Forces, 149. Daluege claimed in a letter to Hitler (3 Feb. 1934) that he had cleared out on average 7.7% of the eleven categories of officials in the Prussian police administration; see Caplan, Government without Administration, 145.

15 H.-J. Neufeldt,J. Huck, and C. Tessin, Zur Geschichte der Ordnungspolizei (Koblenz, 1957), 7ff.

"'Else R. Behrend-Rosenfeld, Ich stand nicht allein: Leben einer ]Odin in Deutschland 1933-1944 (1945: Munich, 1988). 227-8.

Kater. The Nazi Party. 263. fig. i.

117 Koehl The Black Corps, 16o.

122 These figures are discussed in ch. 5.

21 Unger, 86-9.

121 Ibid. 9off.

126 Ibid. 46-7; for a contrary view see the defence summary at Nuremberg, IMT xxi. 481 ff.

23 Kater. The Nazi Party, igo.

124 See Gauleiter Karl Kaufmann, in IMT xx. 66.

25 Erich Kordt, Wahn and Wirklichkeit (Stuttgart, 1948). 46.

117 For a summary see IMT xlii. 22ff.

129 Dieter Rebentisch. 'Die "politische Beurteilung" als Herrschaftsinstrument der NSDAP', in Detlev Peukert and Jurgen Reulecke (eds.), Die Reihen fast geschlossen: Beitrdge zur Geschichte des Alltags unterm Nationalsozialismus (Wuppertal, 1981), 107ff.

The order is from Gau Cologne-Aachen, 31 ]an. 1941, in IMT xx. io5; Hans Wegschneider, mayor and Ortsgruppenleiter in Hirschdorf, said that that instruction, as many others, was never received: ibid. 89ff.

Friedrich Percyval Reck-Malleczewen, Diary of a Man in Despair, trans. P. Rubens (1966: New York, 1970), 200, wrote that the block-leader made a special note of anyone who used the traditional greeting'GruB Gott!' ('God be praised') instead of 'Heil Hitler!'

zx See document PL 34, ibid. 327.

"Z IMT xxxv. 5: and ibid. 652-3.

"' See HStA D: RW 36. Nr. 17, 39.

"' Ibid., pp. 25-7. For numerous illustrations see the Eisenach Kreisleitung files in Ann Arbor. Michigan.

135 Dietrich Orlow, History of the Nazi Party: 1933-1945 (Pittsburgh, 1973), 264.

136 Kater, The Nazi Party, 222; cf. the testimony of Blockleiter (and judge) Dr Ernst Hirt from Nuremberg, IMT xx. 99ff.

137 Zdenek Zofka, Die Ausbreitung des Nationalsozialismus auf dem Lande (Munich, 1979), 300. Cf. the testimony of Kreisleiter Willi Meyer-Wendeborn of Cloppenburg, Oldenburg, in IMT xx. 66ff., and Gauleiter Karl Kaufmann of Hamburg, ibid. 24ff.

For contrasting responses to anti-Semitism see Allen, The Nazi Seizure of Power, 84ff., and Milton Mayer, They Thought they were Free (Chicago, 1955), 125ff.

Dietrich Thranhardt, Wahlen and politische Strukturen in Bayern 1848-195.3 (Dusseldorf, 1973), 105.

' Max Spindler, Bayerische Geschichte im 19. and 20. /ahrhundert, 1800-1970 (Munich. 1978), ii. 7o8ff.

' Baruch Z. Ophir and Falk Wiesemann (eds.), Die judischen Gemeinden in Bayern 1918-1945 (Munich, 1979), 255, 398, 433.

Rolf B. Memming. The Bavarian Governmental District Unterfranken and the City Burgstadt 1922-1939: A Study of the National Socialist Movement and Party-State Affairs' (University of Nebraska Ph.D. thesis: Lincoln, 1974), 11 .

4 Pridham, 322.

2 Helmut Witetschek, KLB ii. Ober- and Mitteifranken (1967). P. xxvi.

"'Roland Flade, Die Wiirzburger Juden. Ihre Geschichte vom Mittelalter bis zur Gegenwart (Wuzburg, 1987), 2 ff.; Arnd Muller, Geschichte der Juden in Nurnberg 1146-1945 (Nuremberg, 1968), 14ff.

8 Kershaw, Popular Opinion, 13-15.

9 Memming, 71-3.

" In 1422 and 1453 thought was given to banishing the Jews. See Flade, Wurzburger Juden, 42-5, 53-4.

6 See Reinhard Rurup, Emanzipation and Antisemitismus. Studien zur 'Judenfrage' der burgerlichen Gesellschaft (Gottingen. 1975), 37R•

12 Ibid. 56; discussion of markings or hat went back to 1329 in Wiirzburg (p. 35).

Ursula Gehring-Munzel, 'Emanzipation', ibid. 61-4. 1A -1

14 The Grand Duke is quoted ibid. 67.

15 Stefan Schwarz, Die Juden in Bayern im Wandel der Zeiten (Munich, i 963), 121 fl.

'y Ibid. 98-ioo. Cf. Klaus Epstein, The Genesis of German Conservatism (Princeton, 1966), 176ff., and Jacob Katz, Out of the Ghetto: The Social Background of Jewish Emancipation 1770-1870 (Cambridge, Mass., 1973), 176ff.

20 Gehring-Munzel, 100.

21 Ophir and Wiesemann (eds.), 13.

'' Schwarz, 181-209.

" Gehring-Miinzel, 98. 11-1 - -1 .11

24 Ophir and Wiesemann (eds.), 433; Flade, Wurzburger Juden, 145. The highest percentage (4.5%) was reached in 188o.

r Esra Brennathan, 'Demographische and wirtschaftliche Struktur der Juden', in Werner E. Mosse (ed.), Entscheidungsjahr 1932: Zur Judenfrage in der Endphase der Weimarer Republik (Tub- ingen, 1966), 9o.

27' Ibid. 94

27 Flade. Wurzburger Juden. 146-8.

22 Ophir and Wiesemann (eds.), 13.

Z' Gehring-Milnzel. 94.

Z" Monika Richarz (ed.), iudisches Leben in Deutschland: Selbstzeugnisse zur Sozialgeschichte 19181945, iii (Stuttgart, 1982), 19.

29 Roland Flade, Juden in Wurzburg 1918-1933 (Wurzburg, 1985), 57-64.

° Helen Fein, Accounting for Genocide: Victims-and Survivors-of the Holocaust (New York, 1976), 49.

Ibid. 89.

Ibid. 209. There were 231 Eastern Jews in Wiirzburg in 1920: see S. Adler-Rudel. ostjuden in Deutschland 1880-1940 (Tubingen, 1959), 23ff.

" Julius Frank, in Richarz, ii (1979). 190ff. For a parallel case see Liselotte Stern from Weikersheim. in Richarz, iii. 168ff.

Werner Cahnmann, 'Village and Small-Town Jews in Germany: A Typological Study'. YLBI 19 (1974), 126-7. See also Francis Henry. Victims and Neighbors: A Small Town in Nazi Germany Remembered (South Hadley. Mass., 1984). 15ff., and John K. Dickinson, German and Jew: The Life and Death of Sigmund Stein (Chicago, 1967), 12ff.

H. 1. Bach. The German Jew: A Synthesis of Judaism and Western Civilization, 17,30-1930 (Oxford. 1984), 137.

The figures are from Flade, Wurzburger Juden, 212.

Kershaw. Popular Opinion, 230.

Jacob Katz, From Prejudice to Destruction: Anti-Semitism, 1700-1933 (Cambridge. Mass., 1980). 102: cf. Gehring-Miinzel, 78-9.

sa See Werner Jochmann, 'Die Ausbreitung des Antisemitismus', in Werner E. Mosse (ed.), Deutsches Judentum in Krieg and Revolution 1916-1923 (Tubingen, 1971), 500.

Quoted in Flade, Juden in Wurzburg, 236. On the organization in Franconia see Uwe Lohalm, Vd'lkischer Radikalismus: Die Geschichte des Deutschvdlkischen Schutz- and Trutz-Bundes (Hamburg, 1970). 307ff.

4' Memming. 25-6.

" Quoted in Flade, Juden in Wurzburg. 251.

41 Ibid. 267-72.

" Jurgen W. Falter, 'Der Aufstieg der NSDAP in Franken bei den Reichstagswahlen 19241933: Fin Vergleich mit dem Reich unter besonderer Berucksichtigung landwirtschaftlicher Einflul3faktoren', German Studies Review, 9 (1986). 344.

Thranhardt, 105.

Ibid. 164. For the latest literature see Thomas Childers, The Nazi Voter: The Social Foundations of Fascism in Germany (Chapel Hill, 1983), 119ff.; Richard Hamilton, Who Voted for Hitler? (Princeton, 1982), 420ff. See also Juan J. Linz, Some Notes toward a Comparative Study of Fascism in Sociological Historical Perspective', in Walter Laqueur (ed.). Fascism: A Reader's Guide (Berkeley, 1976), 3ff.

For all of Franconia the percentage of votes cast for the Left in 1930, the two elections of 1932, and that of March 1933, were 24.6%, 24.0%, 23.7%, 22.1%: Falter, 350. In Wiirzburg, the SPD and KPD gained between them some 26.3% of the vote in 1930, and 29.1% and 27.8% in the two elections of 1932. The latter figures are from Herbert Schultheis, Juden in Mainfranken 1933-1945 (Bad Neustadt a.d. Saale, 1980), 34.

4"For details of the Left see Mehringer, 'Die bayerische SPD', and 'Die KPD in Bayern'.

4y Klaus Wittstadt, KLB vi. Unterfranken (1981), p.xxviii; Ophir and Wiesemann (eds.), 434.

50 Peter Spitznagel, Wdhler and Wahlen in Unterfranken 1919-1969 (Wurzburg, 1979), 1.

" Ibid.

54 Memming, 79-80.

5' For the Wurzburg data see Schultheis, 34: for the rest see Pridham, 322.

iz Kershaw, Popular Opinion, 27-8.

5i Ibid. i 89.