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Authors: Mikael Carlson

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“Simple. Pray for America.”

-SIXTY-FIVE-
 

SENATOR VIANO

 

Bells in every clock on the House side of the Capitol
and throughout the three office buildings representatives work in sound twice
to summon members to the floor for a vote. When you want to intercept one of
them, all you need is the route they take to the House chamber and the patience
to lie in wait. The only catch is if they work in the Rayburn Building and take
the small Capitol Hill subway. Then you’re screwed.

Stalking Michael Bennit on a freezing cold December day
right before Christmas is hardly what I would have foreseen last summer. I
didn’t expect him to even be here. He is leading a charmed political life, and
I have had to adjust my plan accordingly on a couple of occasions because of
it. This is no different.

“A little cold out here to be setting an ambush,” he says,
his hands stuffed into the pockets of his long, dark, wool overcoat.

“Drastic times call for drastic measures, especially when a
certain political ally stops taking your calls.”

“The easiest way I know to stop being used as a marionette
is to cut the strings. Wouldn’t you agree?”

“I would, only I never intended for you to think of me as a
puppet master.” More like I wanted you to know I was. “We shared a common goal,
Michael, and we still do.”

“I doubt that. Tell me what you really want, Marilyn,” he
says, continuing the walk to the House.

“I want to help you bring order back to Washington. It’s
what I always wanted.”

“Yeah, I know, and you think a third party is the way to do
it.” I need to be careful here.

“I do, but it’s not the only way. I know you met with the moderates.
Including them was a shrewd move, especially considering the credibility we
earned by not going after them in the election.”

Michael doesn’t dispute me using “we” which is a good sign.
The fact that he hasn’t used his special ops training to break my neck is
another. “I like the idea of forming a caucus, regardless of what happens with
this bill,” I continue, not meaning a word of it.

“I asked what you wanted, Marilyn, not what you thought
about it.” Ouch.

“Okay, here it is. I want to be involved. I told you I’m
running for the other Senate seat in Virginia next election as an Independent.
I want to form a caucus just like yours in the upper house.”

“You figured out how to hedge your bet very effectively.”

“What do you mean?”

“If this vote passes and we form a party, you’re in a
position to run for the Senate as our only high-profile candidate. If we don’t,
you still can hitch your star on the caucus and accomplish the same end.”

“Is that a bad thing?” I ask. “I have told you I want to get
back into the Senate. This helps both of us.”

“What happens if we win the vote today?”

“There is no prayer of you winning this vote,” I say, trying
to stifle a laugh in the process. “And if you think you are going to sway the
moderates to vote against it, you’re badly mistaken. They won’t because it
isn’t going to make a difference, you know that.”

“I do.”

“So, you just have to figure out what your next move is once
it passes. I can help you with that.”

“You really think I can ever trust you?” he says, stopping
and confronting me.

“I don’t expect you to trust me. But this is Washington,
D.C. Nobody trusts anybody here. The only thing that exists is political
alliances, and they work only as long as our agendas are the same. Right now,
they are. We might not see eye-to-eye on how we get there, but the goal is the
same, and you are going to need every person you can in your corner supporting
that come next year.”

It’s a long shot, but one worth taking. With so many plans
falling through over the last six months, I need something to cling to. The
hard part about being desperate is not appearing that way. Michael looks hard
at me, but says nothing. And nothing is not a “
no
.”

“I have to vote. We’ll talk after the session ends,” is all
he says before turning and striding toward the doors leading to the House side
of the Capitol.

Either Bennit is a trusting fool, or I am just that good of
a liar. I head off toward the visitor entrance, happy to be mere minutes from
escaping the frigid arctic temperatures gripping the capital. Now I only have
to watch the events unfold and figure out how to best deliver what I promised
to James.

-SIXTY-SIX-
 

SPEAKER ALBRIGHT

 

I reserved only a couple of hours for debate on the resolution.
As it only applies to House rules and not the American people, we are doing
this for our benefit and not that of the country. There will be no
corresponding bill in the Senate, at least not this term. If there is ever a
surge of independents into that chamber, they will be faced with the same
challenges we are dealing with now.

Not that I expect that to happen. Getting elected using
social media in a relatively small congressional district is one thing, but
convincing an entire state to vote for you is quite another. It is the one
reason why so few independents are elected to the Senate, and why the ones who
are hail from among the smaller states in the union.

Of course, the social media aspect is the great equalizer.
As the numbers of American adults who use some form of it has grown, so does
the threat that the big money and large staffs once needed to run campaigns are
no longer necessary. Bennit has proven that in the House, so I suppose it could
also be applied to the Senate, and maybe even the presidency.

But that is a future problem for others. I am focused on the
here and now. Most of the members are already in the chamber, looking to vote
and get this piece of business behind us so we can catch flights back to our
districts and enjoy the holiday season. For those who lost in November, they
can also mourn the end of their political careers.

I gavel open the start of the vote once the final resolution
is read by a clerk. To determine where any bill stands on passage, my
Democratic counterpart and I rely on the whips of each party to bring us the
headcount. The Republican Whip reported that I may have lost a smattering of
moderates, but that the rest of the party is with me. The Democratic Whip
reported the same thing to Dennis Merrick.

Moderates.
They are a plague on the
good order of modern politics. The die-hards of each party call them either
DINOs or RINOs; a derogatory moniker meaning
Democrat
In
Name Only
or
Republican In Name Only
. In recent
sessions, we have forced them to toe the party line, but with Bennit around,
they are wild cards.

I know he hosted a meeting among them, but I am being told
that most won’t sacrifice their standing with the party to go with him on this
vote. I have been assured of the same thing by the
Dems
,
so I’m not too concerned when the first moderates begin voting “nay.”

The larger concern is why the hard core Democrats
haven’t
made their way over to vote. I’m probably
overreacting, but there is a lot of activity at the long table in the front of
the chamber where the party leadership sits. There is a lot of discussion going
on over something that was settled days, or even weeks ago.

Harvey Stepanik gets my attention and I climb off the
rostrum and meet with him on the side of the room.

“What’s going on?” I ask, more out of curiosity than
concern.

“We lost some moderates.”

“We knew we would. Why haven’t Merrick and the rest of the
Democrats started voting yet?”

“I’m not really sure,” Harvey says, looking back over his
shoulder at the gaggle formed around the table where Merrick is holding court.
“It’s probably nothing.”

I’ve been in this town too long to believe that. There’s
something afoot, and I need to find out what it is while there is still time to
do something about it.

“Find out, Harv.
Quickly.”

I return back to my seat in front of the huge American flag
that serves as a backdrop on the wall. By the time I get there, the meeting has
broken up at the table in front of me. A couple of dozen Democratic members
head to cast their vote, their cards in their hands. Merrick looks over at me
and squints before joining them. For the first time since introducing this
bill, I realize that we may have a serious problem.

 
 
-SIXTY-SEVEN-
 

MICHAEL

 

A satisfying look of panic creeps
onto the Speaker’s face when the first dozen Democrat votes show up. An up or
down vote is a fifty-fifty proposition on paper, but most bills never make it
to the Floor unless the Speaker knows exactly what the result will be. At
least, that’s how it
used
to work.

During George Washington’s two terms following the
ratification of the Constitution, a rivalry grew between the two Federalists
John Adams and Thomas Jefferson. Their incessant disagreements led Jefferson to
form the Democratic–Republican Party, which ironically contains the historical
seeds of our current two-party system. 

The word “Democratic” means
will of the people
, while
the word “Republican” implies
rule of law
, and Jefferson’s party held
the presidency for the first quarter of the nineteenth century. They later
split into the parties we know today, but have only become so polarized and
mistrustful of each other over the last several decades. Now we get to see just
how far that rift has grown.

“You always end up with the best seat in the house,” Cisco
says, plopping down in the adjacent chair. “Wasn’t this the seat you watched
your political career almost flicker out from?”

“Yeah, but since it didn’t, it’s become my lucky chair.”

“The
Dems
look like they are ready
to vote. Sure you don’t want to take the bet?”

“No thanks, brother. You’ve taken enough of my money this
year.”

Francisco is the kind of guy who will bet on anything. I’ve
only known him for six months or so and lost over a dozen bets to him. You
would think I’d have learned sooner.

The tally on the blue board keeps incrementing, now with a
couple of liberal Democrats joining their Republican colleagues in voting for
the resolution.

“You ever hear of Shays’ Rebellion?”


Gueverra
?”

“Not that
Che
.
It
was an armed uprising in
Massachusetts between 1786 and 1787. Daniel Shays was a veteran of the American
Revolution and one of the leaders of the uprising.”

“You and your history lessons,” Cisco says with a roll of
his eyes. “I would have failed your class.”

“Probably.
Anyway, the rebellion
was ignited by a post-war economic depression and harsh government policies to
solve the state’s debt problems. Protesters started by shutting down courts,
stopped hearings on tax and debt collection, and became increasingly
radicalized. They formed a militia to seize the federal Springfield Armory in
late January of 1787 and continued their resistance until a June skirmish with
government troops left them beleaguered.”

“Please tell me you have a point to this.”

“I always do. The rebellion sparked in a political climate
where people were being very vocal in their call for reform of the
Articles of Confederation
. It ended up
affecting the debates that ultimately shaped our Constitution.”

Cisco looks at me, waiting impatiently for the explanation.
I make him sweat it out for a minute while a few more votes pop up on the
board.

“And?”

“Even if we lose this vote, I have to hold out hope that we
can still shape things to come for the better. I want our
revolución
to shape America’s future just like Shays’ did.”

“You sound like a defeatist. This vote isn’t close to over
yet.”

“No, it isn’t. But you’re watching the same board I am. You
can’t be optimistic. Some of those people who voted for this bill were at our
meeting.”

“They don’t matter. It really all comes down to what Merrick
does,” Cisco opines, ever the optimist.

Cisco maybe the most real legislator the country has ever
elected. We share the same detest for the partisan political process, but he
enjoys this game immensely. Given my only real desire was to provide my
constituents with real
representation,
I’m not as
thrilled to play the game. He relishes playing the role of outcast and
maverick, and loves having the power of tying the elites in knots.

“I’m surprised you didn’t bring popcorn.”

“I did. It got confiscated by the sergeant-at-arms.
Something about not maintaining proper decorum.”
The scary
thing is, I’m not sure if he’s kidding or not.

“You let that stop you?” He reaches into his coat pocket and
pulls out a small rectangular red bag.

“I brought Skittles instead.”

I shake my head as he opens the package. Cisco is right
about one thing, this whole vote really does hinges on what Merrick does. However,
as the next five Democrats who vote all cast “yea” ballots, I question where he
is getting his optimism from. I’m convinced we are going to lose this battle.

 
-SIXTY-EIGHT-
 

CHELSEA

 

“I just got done talking with the
minority leader,” Vince says as he eases into the seat next to me. I am so
engrossed texting Peyton and Amanda from my phone that I didn’t even notice
him.

“What did Merrick have to say?” Vanessa asks from the other
side of me.

“Not much.”

“Do you know what he plans to do?”

“I don’t know. He lost his seat, so it’s a crap shoot. Where
are Peyton and Emilee?” Vince asks after noticing our absent friends.

“I just texted them to get over here.”
Seats were almost impossible to save up here in the visitor’s gallery for this
vote, so I’m hoping Peyton and Emilee hurry. Final exams are now over on
college campuses throughout the country, so most of our campaign team
physically made it to Washington. Xavier is missing due to his sports
obligation, but he sent us a message wishing us luck, which is more than I can
say for one of my friends at the moment.

“Is Amanda still not coming?”

“No.”

The more Amanda thought about the tactic the congressman
used with Blake, the less she liked it. She became more and more vocal in her dissent
in the days leading up to the vote until she disengaged altogether and then
announced she couldn’t be a part of this.

Her defection from our merry band has hit the congressman
pretty hard. I suppose it was only a matter of time before one of us found
ourselves in a crisis of conscience over a tactic and decided to leave, but it
still stings. Amanda was always one of the most dedicated in our little group.
Vince isn’t taking her absence well either.

“Have you heard anything from other staff?” Vince queries,
making me think he has money on the result.

“The Three Amigos told me on the way here that their bosses
would be taking a big risk and they weren’t sure what they would do.”

Vanessa taps me on the arm and points. “We’re about to find
out.” Even Brian takes his nose out of his smartphone long enough to see the
activity on the Floor.

Sure enough, the Democrats are beginning to make their way
to cast their ballots. Five minutes into the vote and only the Republicans and
some of the moderates have cast their votes. Right now, we are losing very
badly. The first group of Democrats voted for the resolution, but this is the
moment of truth. The ballot cast by Minority Leader Dennis Merrick will go a
long way in knowing what the rest of his party will do.

I didn’t see it flash up on the board. It wasn’t until the
House erupted that I realized what happened. The little globe light next to
Merrick’s name switched to red for “nay” and I realize we’re still in the
fight. Democrats are now voting against the bill in droves, and the numbers get
tighter in a hurry. They are not putting up a united front, though. There are
some defections, so will it be enough?

The commotion in the chamber reminds me a lot of the day
they tried to oust Mister Bennit. Congressman Reyes helped drive the wedge
between the parties to win that vote, and the congressmen decided to try it one
more time. One thing in the world of a two-party system we can count on:
Republicans and Democrats will never trust each other enough to cooperate for
very long, even when it is in their best interests to do so. Today is no
exception.

The rumor Blake was going to work for the Speaker worked to
our advantage just like Mister Bennit thought it would. Since he was still
friendly with many Democratic staffers, he leaked news that the GOP quietly
struck a deal with Bennit and the icandidates to freeze them out. It was this
blatant fabrication that Amanda took umbrage with and decried as the petty
politics we swore not to engage in.

She may be right, but it also has worked enough to put
doubts in the mind of Democrats about trusting the GOP enough to work with
them. The consequences are too high for either party to make a mistake when the
balance of power in the United States House of Representatives is at stake. As
a result, they are overwhelmingly voting against the bill.

Of course, he never told the moderates of the plan, curious
to see if they would go with him on their own. Most of them did. This is an
early test of their loyalty to our cause. If the votes of the moderates who are
returning are any indication, there will be over a hundred representatives in
our caucus at the start of next Congress.

“What’d we miss?” Peyton asks as she sheds her coat and
moves into our aisle. I point to the tally board behind a very upset Speaker
Albright.

“Damn! That’s close!” Emilee observes. “Aren’t you allowed
to be on the House Floor to watch this?”

“Yeah, but there’s nothing for me to do down there so I
thought I’d sit up here and watch it with you guys,” I respond.

Besides, if this ends badly, I’m not going to want to be
down there when I get emotional. There are only a few minutes left, and we are
winning by only a handful of votes. We may have managed to get a majority of
the
Dems
to go against the majority party, but this
is still far from decided.

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