The Life and Death of Anne Boleyn (73 page)
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Authors: Eric Ives
5
LP,
xi.l7.
LP,
xi.l7.
6
The earl of Ormonde was chamberlain to Henry VII’s wife, Elizabeth of York.
The earl of Ormonde was chamberlain to Henry VII’s wife, Elizabeth of York.
7
G. E. C,
Peerage
, x.137.
G. E. C,
Peerage
, x.137.
8
LP, i.20 (p. 13).
LP, i.20 (p. 13).
9
Sergeant,
Anne Boleyn
, p. 50.
Sergeant,
Anne Boleyn
, p. 50.
10
Friedmann,
Anne Boleyn
, i.55.
Friedmann,
Anne Boleyn
, i.55.
11
St.
Pap.,
i.490 [LP, xi.842]. Cf. his treatment of Tunstal in 1530: Starkey, Six
Wives
, p. 367.
St.
Pap.,
i.490 [LP, xi.842]. Cf. his treatment of Tunstal in 1530: Starkey, Six
Wives
, p. 367.
12
Brewer,
Henry VIII
, i.168 n.2.
Brewer,
Henry VIII
, i.168 n.2.
13
LP
, iii.3386.
LP
, iii.3386.
14
For a classic discussion of the following see S. Anglo, ‘The Courtier’, in
The Courts of Europe
, ed. A. G. Dickens (1977), pp. 33-53.
For a classic discussion of the following see S. Anglo, ‘The Courtier’, in
The Courts of Europe
, ed. A. G. Dickens (1977), pp. 33-53.
15
BL, King’s MS 9, ff. 66v, 231.
BL, King’s MS 9, ff. 66v, 231.
16
Quoted in Fletcher and MacCulloch,
Tudor Rebellions
(1997), p. 134.
Quoted in Fletcher and MacCulloch,
Tudor Rebellions
(1997), p. 134.
17
Thomas More,
Utopia
, trans. Ralph Robinson (1556), ed. E. Arber (1869), p. 55.
Thomas More,
Utopia
, trans. Ralph Robinson (1556), ed. E. Arber (1869), p. 55.
18
Ibid., pp. 64-5.
Ibid., pp. 64-5.
19
For Wyatt see Thomson,
Sir Thomas Wyatt and his Background
; Muir,
The Life
and Letters of Sir Thomas Wyatt, and pp. 67-80 above.
For Wyatt see Thomson,
Sir Thomas Wyatt and his Background
; Muir,
The Life
and Letters of Sir Thomas Wyatt, and pp. 67-80 above.
20
Wyatt,
Poems,
CV, lines 56-64. Wyatt was reworking a recently published Provençal satire on court life. For this and Wyatt’s modifications see
Collected Poems of Sir Thomas Wyatt
, ed. K. Muir and P. Thomson (Liverpool, 1969), pp. 347-50: ‘colours of device’ = deceptions; ‘join the mean’ etc. = accept outrageous behaviour as normal; ‘as to purpose likewise’ = and likewise as it shall be opportune.
Wyatt,
Poems,
CV, lines 56-64. Wyatt was reworking a recently published Provençal satire on court life. For this and Wyatt’s modifications see
Collected Poems of Sir Thomas Wyatt
, ed. K. Muir and P. Thomson (Liverpool, 1969), pp. 347-50: ‘colours of device’ = deceptions; ‘join the mean’ etc. = accept outrageous behaviour as normal; ‘as to purpose likewise’ = and likewise as it shall be opportune.
21
Ibid., CV, lines 14-16. ‘me list’ etc. = I do not wish to criticize honour and seek it at the same time.
Ibid., CV, lines 14-16. ‘me list’ etc. = I do not wish to criticize honour and seek it at the same time.
22
Ibid., CVII, lines 18-28.
Ibid., CVII, lines 18-28.
23
For a discussion of this satire see David Starkey, ‘The Court: Castiglione’s ideal and Tudor reality’, in
Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld
Institutes, 45 (1982), 232-9.
For a discussion of this satire see David Starkey, ‘The Court: Castiglione’s ideal and Tudor reality’, in
Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld
Institutes, 45 (1982), 232-9.
24
Muir,
Life and
Letters of
Wyatt,
p. 216.
Muir,
Life and
Letters of
Wyatt,
p. 216.
25
He probably had some legal training also:
LP,
i.438 (3 m.7). For his career generally see G. E. C., Peerage and
Dictionary
of National Biography (1885-1900), v.321. For Boleyn and Erasmus see below, p. 270. For his linguistic ability see LP, viii, p. 71.
He probably had some legal training also:
LP,
i.438 (3 m.7). For his career generally see G. E. C., Peerage and
Dictionary
of National Biography (1885-1900), v.321. For Boleyn and Erasmus see below, p. 270. For his linguistic ability see LP, viii, p. 71.
26
G. E. C., Peerage, x.140-2;
Tottel’s
Miscellany, ed. H. E. Rollins (Cambridge, Mass., 1965), ii.83. For George’s translations see pp. 271-2.
G. E. C., Peerage, x.140-2;
Tottel’s
Miscellany, ed. H. E. Rollins (Cambridge, Mass., 1965), ii.83. For George’s translations see pp. 271-2.
27
LP,
i.App.9; Anglo, Great
Tournament
Roll, p. 55.
LP,
i.App.9; Anglo, Great
Tournament
Roll, p. 55.
28
On tournaments and court festivals generally see ibid., pp. 19-40; Anglo, Spectacle, pp. 108-23.
On tournaments and court festivals generally see ibid., pp. 19-40; Anglo, Spectacle, pp. 108-23.
29
Anglo, Great Tournament Roll, p. 54.
Anglo, Great Tournament Roll, p. 54.
30
Hall,
Chronicle, p.
518.
Hall,
Chronicle, p.
518.
31
LP,
ii.1500-2; cf. ibid., ii.1490.
LP,
ii.1500-2; cf. ibid., ii.1490.
32
Cal.
S.
P.
Span., 1529-30, p. 422.
Cal.
S.
P.
Span., 1529-30, p. 422.
33
LP, i.1448.
LP, i.1448.
34
Ibid., i.1338.
Ibid., i.1338.
35
J. A. Guy, The Cardinal’s
Court
(Hassocks, Sussex, 1977), pp. 28, 99.
J. A. Guy, The Cardinal’s
Court
(Hassocks, Sussex, 1977), pp. 28, 99.
36
LP, ii.1475.
LP, ii.1475.
37
For the debt of the English court to Burgundy see Kipling, Triumph
of Honour.
For the debt of the English court to Burgundy see Kipling, Triumph
of Honour.
38
For this and the following paragraph see A. R. Myers,
The Household of Edward
IV (Manchester, 1959); Starkey, thesis, and ‘Intimacy and Innovation’ in The
English Court from the Wars of the Roses to the Civil War
, ed. David Starkey (1987), pp. 71-118
For this and the following paragraph see A. R. Myers,
The Household of Edward
IV (Manchester, 1959); Starkey, thesis, and ‘Intimacy and Innovation’ in The
English Court from the Wars of the Roses to the Civil War
, ed. David Starkey (1987), pp. 71-118
39
The ordinance promulgated at Eltham in 1526 was directed towards reform in the management of the royal household, but Wolsey used the opportun ity to remove several courtiers from their privileged positions in the privy chamber: thesis, pp. 133-81. Dr Starkey has identified the importance of privy chamber office - it gave access to the king
ex officio
and promised predictability of contact with him; hence the constant and almost irresistible demand for places. Yet many privy chamber appointees made little mark, and in any discussion of privy chamber influence allowance has to be made for royal cronies without formal posts.
The ordinance promulgated at Eltham in 1526 was directed towards reform in the management of the royal household, but Wolsey used the opportun ity to remove several courtiers from their privileged positions in the privy chamber: thesis, pp. 133-81. Dr Starkey has identified the importance of privy chamber office - it gave access to the king
ex officio
and promised predictability of contact with him; hence the constant and almost irresistible demand for places. Yet many privy chamber appointees made little mark, and in any discussion of privy chamber influence allowance has to be made for royal cronies without formal posts.
40
LP, ii
.124, 125.
LP, ii
.124, 125.
41
Ibid., iii.223.
Ibid., iii.223.
42
Ibid., ii.2487, 2500; Giustinian,
Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII, i.320,
326.
Ibid., ii.2487, 2500; Giustinian,
Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII, i.320,
326.
43
LP,
ii.4409.
LP,
ii.4409.
44
Ibid., iii.118.
Ibid., iii.118.
45
Ibid., iii.223.
Ibid., iii.223.
46
BL, Cotton MS Cal.D vii, f. 118
[LP,
iii.246].
BL, Cotton MS Cal.D vii, f. 118
[LP,
iii.246].
47
Hall,
Chronicle
, p. 598; Giustinian,
Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII,
ii 270-1.
Hall,
Chronicle
, p. 598; Giustinian,
Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII,
ii 270-1.
48
LP,
iii.447.
LP,
iii.447.
49
By Sept. 1520
(St. Pap.,
ii.57).
By Sept. 1520
(St. Pap.,
ii.57).
50
LP, iii
.1712, 2481, g.2587. He was succeeded by Sir Henry Guildford.
LP, iii
.1712, 2481, g.2587. He was succeeded by Sir Henry Guildford.
51
e.g. ibid., ii.3489; iii.491, 528.
e.g. ibid., ii.3489; iii.491, 528.
52
Ibid., iii.p. 1539.
Ibid., iii.p. 1539.
53
Herbert,
Henry VIII
, p. 399; Sander,
Schism
, p. 25; William Camden,
Annales
(1612), p. 2. The weight of argument favoured 1507, see J. H. Round,
The Early Life of Anne Boleyn
(1886), pp. 12-23; Brewer,
Henry Vlll,
ii.170; J. Gairdner, ‘Mary and Anne Boleyn’, and ‘The Age of Anne Boleyn’, in EHR, 8 (1893), 53-60; 10 (1895), 104. Friedmann’s conjecture of 1503 or 1504
[Anne Boleyn
, ii.315] was based on a fallacious pictorial identification.
Herbert,
Henry VIII
, p. 399; Sander,
Schism
, p. 25; William Camden,
Annales
(1612), p. 2. The weight of argument favoured 1507, see J. H. Round,
The Early Life of Anne Boleyn
(1886), pp. 12-23; Brewer,
Henry Vlll,
ii.170; J. Gairdner, ‘Mary and Anne Boleyn’, and ‘The Age of Anne Boleyn’, in EHR, 8 (1893), 53-60; 10 (1895), 104. Friedmann’s conjecture of 1503 or 1504
[Anne Boleyn
, ii.315] was based on a fallacious pictorial identification.
54
Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS 119, f. 21.
Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS 119, f. 21.
55
For the following see Paget, in BIHR, 54, 162-70 and pp. 19, 26-7 above.
For the following see Paget, in BIHR, 54, 162-70 and pp. 19, 26-7 above.
56
Warnicke,
Rise and Fall,
pp. 9, 12-16. The attempted analogy with Anne Brandon [ibid. p. 12] is unhelpful as her date of birth is uncertain and so too her status at Brussels.
Warnicke,
Rise and Fall,
pp. 9, 12-16. The attempted analogy with Anne Brandon [ibid. p. 12] is unhelpful as her date of birth is uncertain and so too her status at Brussels.
57
Clifford,
Dormer,
p. 80.
Clifford,
Dormer,
p. 80.
58
LP,
viii.567.
LP,
viii.567.
59
Ibid., iv.546(2).
Ibid., iv.546(2).
60
Cavendish,
Metrical Visions,
p. 21;
LP
, iv.1939(14).
Cavendish,
Metrical Visions,
p. 21;
LP
, iv.1939(14).
61
See pp. 59-60.
See pp. 59-60.
62
St. Pap.,
vii.219.
St. Pap.,
vii.219.
63
Du Bellay,
Correspondance, i.105.
George was married by the end of 1525 and so must have been born no later than 1511 [
LP
, iv.1939(14)]. His part in the Christmas revels of 1514 — 15
[ LP,
ii.1501] was obviously as a child.
Du Bellay,
Correspondance, i.105.
George was married by the end of 1525 and so must have been born no later than 1511 [
LP
, iv.1939(14)]. His part in the Christmas revels of 1514 — 15
[ LP,
ii.1501] was obviously as a child.
64
Ibid., xii(2), 952. See also Friedmann, ii.325-6.
Ibid., xii(2), 952. See also Friedmann, ii.325-6.
65
LP,
vi.923; viii.565(2), 567, 862; cf. ix.1123.
LP,
vi.923; viii.565(2), 567, 862; cf. ix.1123.
66
Later Catholic writers got round this problem by alleging that Anne was conceived in 1509 during the absence of Thomas Boleyn on a supposed embassy to France lasting two years: e.g. Trumble MS 5 (Berkshire Record Office), ‘La vie de Anne Boulein ou de Bouloigne’, and Eyston MS vii g15 (private collection), ‘The Character and Life of the Lady Anne Boulen’. I am indebted to Messrs T. M. and E. Eyston for access to the latter.
Later Catholic writers got round this problem by alleging that Anne was conceived in 1509 during the absence of Thomas Boleyn on a supposed embassy to France lasting two years: e.g. Trumble MS 5 (Berkshire Record Office), ‘La vie de Anne Boulein ou de Bouloigne’, and Eyston MS vii g15 (private collection), ‘The Character and Life of the Lady Anne Boulen’. I am indebted to Messrs T. M. and E. Eyston for access to the latter.
67
Gairdner, in
EHR
, 8, 58-9.
Gairdner, in
EHR
, 8, 58-9.
68
Most recently R. M. Warnicke, ‘Anne Boleyn’s childhood and adolescence’, in
Historical Journal,
28 (1985), 942-3, and
Rise and Fall,
pp. 9, 258.
Most recently R. M. Warnicke, ‘Anne Boleyn’s childhood and adolescence’, in
Historical Journal,
28 (1985), 942-3, and
Rise and Fall,
pp. 9, 258.
69
Warnicke claims that Anne was the elder on the ground that priority is implied by her being appointed at Brussels [ibid. p. 9]. This is unconvincing since Mary, if the elder, would have been too old for appointment, to say nothing of her evident inferior potential. The description of Anne being brought up as a child in the royal nurseries of Burgundy and France [ibid, 12-13, 17-23] is entirely suppositious. Her alleged childhood companion, Renée, duchess of Ferrara, (b. 1510) remembered Anne as
a maid of
honour.
ibid, p 41. Furthermore, Mary was no landed heiress, so a marriage in 1520, when she was not yet 12, would have been exceptional;
pace
Warnicke,
Rise and Fall,
pp. 34-5. This would also make her Henry’s mistress at the latest in her very early teens.
Warnicke claims that Anne was the elder on the ground that priority is implied by her being appointed at Brussels [ibid. p. 9]. This is unconvincing since Mary, if the elder, would have been too old for appointment, to say nothing of her evident inferior potential. The description of Anne being brought up as a child in the royal nurseries of Burgundy and France [ibid, 12-13, 17-23] is entirely suppositious. Her alleged childhood companion, Renée, duchess of Ferrara, (b. 1510) remembered Anne as
a maid of
honour.
ibid, p 41. Furthermore, Mary was no landed heiress, so a marriage in 1520, when she was not yet 12, would have been exceptional;
pace
Warnicke,
Rise and Fall,
pp. 34-5. This would also make her Henry’s mistress at the latest in her very early teens.
70
See p. 84.
See p. 84.
71
Marriage would normally signal the end of a royal amour with a single woman. Elizabeth was Lady Tailbois at the latest by June 1522 but could have been married as early as the second half of 1519, following the birth of Richmond: Murphy,
Bastard Prince,
pp. 31-3. In that case any liaison with Mary prior to her marriage would have been a very brief fling, but cf. the date of the royal grants. My suggestion
[Anne Boleyn,
p. 20] that there is significance in
The Mary Boleyn
being part of the royal fleet in 1523 was mistaken; she was originally a Boleyn vessel.
LP,
iii.3358.
Marriage would normally signal the end of a royal amour with a single woman. Elizabeth was Lady Tailbois at the latest by June 1522 but could have been married as early as the second half of 1519, following the birth of Richmond: Murphy,
Bastard Prince,
pp. 31-3. In that case any liaison with Mary prior to her marriage would have been a very brief fling, but cf. the date of the royal grants. My suggestion
[Anne Boleyn,
p. 20] that there is significance in
The Mary Boleyn
being part of the royal fleet in 1523 was mistaken; she was originally a Boleyn vessel.
LP,
iii.3358.
72
LP,
x.450: ‘per una grandissima ribalda et infame sopre butte’. But if Mary was younger than Anne, she could not have been more than 12 in 1514.
LP,
x.450: ‘per una grandissima ribalda et infame sopre butte’. But if Mary was younger than Anne, she could not have been more than 12 in 1514.
73
House of Commons,
iii.419.
House of Commons,
iii.419.
74
LP, iii.510; xii(i).822. Gardiner was in post by 1528: William Dugdale,
Monasticon
(1817-30), iii.307.
LP, iii.510; xii(i).822. Gardiner was in post by 1528: William Dugdale,
Monasticon
(1817-30), iii.307.
75
Her first child, Henry Carey, was born in March 1526. The story that he was the king’s son was spread about by supporters of Katherine:
LP,
viii.567. For Henry’s fertility see pp. 190-1.
Her first child, Henry Carey, was born in March 1526. The story that he was the king’s son was spread about by supporters of Katherine:
LP,
viii.567. For Henry’s fertility see pp. 190-1.
76
See pp. 34-5.
See pp. 34-5.
77
LP,
xi.17.
LP,
xi.17.
78
Cal. Close Rolls, Henry VII
(1955 — 63), ii.179.
Cal. Close Rolls, Henry VII
(1955 — 63), ii.179.
79
See the brasses at Hever and Penshurst: M. Stephenson,
List of Monumental Brasses
(1926), ii.236, 251.
See the brasses at Hever and Penshurst: M. Stephenson,
List of Monumental Brasses
(1926), ii.236, 251.
1
De Boom,
Marguerite d‘Autriche,
p. 118. For this chapter see also T. Kren, ‘Flemish Manuscript Illumination’, and Janet Backhouse, ‘French Manuscript Illumination’ in
Renaissance Painting in Manuscript,
ed. T. Kren (1983), pp. 69-78, 147-92; de Iongh,
Margaret of Austria;
Otto Pacht,
The Master of Mary of Burgundy
(1948); Sterling,
Master of Claude; The New Grove Dictionary of Music
(1980),
passim
.
De Boom,
Marguerite d‘Autriche,
p. 118. For this chapter see also T. Kren, ‘Flemish Manuscript Illumination’, and Janet Backhouse, ‘French Manuscript Illumination’ in
Renaissance Painting in Manuscript,
ed. T. Kren (1983), pp. 69-78, 147-92; de Iongh,
Margaret of Austria;
Otto Pacht,
The Master of Mary of Burgundy
(1948); Sterling,
Master of Claude; The New Grove Dictionary of Music
(1980),
passim
.
2
Warnicke argues that the queen in question was Henry’s sister Mary:
Rise and Fall,
p.15. It is difficult to see why, if this was the case, Anne should need to learn French to converse with her: see below, n.5.
Warnicke argues that the queen in question was Henry’s sister Mary:
Rise and Fall,
p.15. It is difficult to see why, if this was the case, Anne should need to learn French to converse with her: see below, n.5.
3
Neither the copy of Margaret’s letter reporting the arrival of Anne, nor Anne’s own letter, is dated. She could not have gone before Boleyn had established himself at the Burgundian court, where he arrived in May 1512, and the letter recalling her to England is dated 14 August 1514. The summer of 1513 looks the most likely date within this period, because Margaret’s letter shows that Boleyn was then back in England, and he was in the Low Countries continuously from 26 June 1512 to early May 1513. Margaret was expecting Boleyn back, and thus earlier end-date is the arrival of new English ambassadors in February 1514: Paget, in
BIHR,
54, 164-5; LP, i.2655.
Neither the copy of Margaret’s letter reporting the arrival of Anne, nor Anne’s own letter, is dated. She could not have gone before Boleyn had established himself at the Burgundian court, where he arrived in May 1512, and the letter recalling her to England is dated 14 August 1514. The summer of 1513 looks the most likely date within this period, because Margaret’s letter shows that Boleyn was then back in England, and he was in the Low Countries continuously from 26 June 1512 to early May 1513. Margaret was expecting Boleyn back, and thus earlier end-date is the arrival of new English ambassadors in February 1514: Paget, in
BIHR,
54, 164-5; LP, i.2655.
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