The Major Works (English Library) (28 page)

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C
HAP
.XI.
Of the same

A second opinion there is, that this complexion was first a curse of God derived unto them from Cham, upon whom it was inflicted for discovering the nakednesse of Noah.
5
Which notwithstanding is sooner affirmed then proved, and carrieth with it sundry improbabilities. For first, if we derive the curse on Cham, or in generall upon his posterity, we shall Benegroe a greater part of the earth then ever was so conceived; and not only paint the Æthiopians, and reputed sonnes of Cush, but the people also of Ægypt, Arabia, Assyria, and Chaldea; for by his race were these Countries also peopled. And if concordantly unto Berosus, the fragment of Cato
de Originibus
, some things of Halicarnasseus, Macrobius, and out of them of Leandro and Annius, we shall conceive of the travels of Camese or Cham; we may introduce a generation of Negroes as high as Italy; which part was never culpable of deformity, but hath produced the magnified examples of beauty….

Lastly, Whereas men affirm this colour was a Curse, I cannot make out the propriety of that name, it neither seeming so to them, nor reasonably unto us; for they take so much content therein, that they esteem deformity by other colours, describing the Devil, and terrible objects, White. And if we seriously con-suit
the definitions of beauty, and exactly perpend what wise men determine thereof, we shall not apprehend a curse, or any deformity therein. For first, some place the essence thereof in the proportion of parts; conceiving it to consist in a comely commensurability of the whole unto the parts, and the parts between themselves; which is the determination of the best and learned Writers. Now hereby the Moors are not excluded from beauty; there being in this description no consideration of colours, but an apt connexion and frame of parts and the whole. Others there be, and those most in number, which place it not only in proportion of parts, but also in grace of colour. But to make Colour essentiall unto Beauty, there will arise no slender difficulty; For Aristotle in two definitions of pulchritude, and Galen in one, have made no mention of colour. Neither will it agree unto the Beauty of Animals; wherein notwithstanding there is an approved pulchritude. Thus horses are handsome under any colour, and the symmetry of parts obscures the consideration of complexions. Thus in concolour animals and such as are confined unto one colour, we measure not their Beauty thereby; for if a Crow or Black-bird grow white, we generally account it more pretty; And even in monstrosity descend not to opinion of deformity. By this way likewise the Moores escape the curse of deformity; there concurring no stationary colour, and sometimes not any unto Beauty.

The Platonick contemplators reject both these descriptions founded upon parts and colours, or either; as M. Leo the Jew hath excellently discoursed in his Genealogy of Love: defining Beauty a formall grace, which delights and moves them to love which comprehend it. This grace say they, discoverable outwardly, is the resplendor and Raye of some interiour and invisible Beauty, and proceedeth from the forms of compositions amiable. Whose faculties if they can aptly contrive their matter, they beget in the subject an agreeable and pleasing beauty; if over-ruled thereby, they evidence not their perfections, but runne into deformity. For seeing that out of the same materials, Thersites and Paris, Beauty and monstrosity
6
may be contrived; the forms and operative faculties introduce and determine their
perfections. Which in naturall bodies receive exactnesse in every kinde, according to the first Idea of the Creator,
7
and in contrived bodies the phancy of the Artificer. And by this consideration of Beauty, the Moores also are not excluded, but hold a common share therein with all mankinde.

Lastly, in whatsoever its Theory consisteth, or if in the generall, we allow the common conceit of symmetry and of colour, yet to descend unto singularities, or determine in what symmetry or colour it consisted, were a slippery designation. For Beauty is determined by opinion, and seems to have no essence that holds one notion with all; that seeming beauteous unto one, which hath no favour with another; and that unto every one, according as custome hath made it naturall, or sympathy and conformity of mindes shall make it seem agreeable. Thus flat noses seem comely unto the Moore, an Aquiline or hawked one unto the Persian, a large and prominent nose unto the Romane; but none of all these are acceptable in our opinion. Thus some think it most ornamentall to wear their Bracelets on their Wrests, others say it is better to have them about their Ancles; some think it most comely to wear their Rings and Jewels in the Ear, others will have them about their Privities; a third will not think they are compleat except they hang them in their lips, cheeks or noses. Thus Homer to set off Minerva calleth her
γλαυκώπις
, that is, gray or light-blue eyed: now this unto us seems farre lesse amiable then the black. Thus we that are of contrary complexions accuse the blacknesse of the Mores as ugly: But the Spouse in the Canticles excuseth this conceit, in that description of hers, I am black, but comely.
8
And howsoever Cerberus, and the furies of hell be described by the Poets under this complexion, yet in the beauty of our Saviour blacknesse is commended, when it is said, his locks are bushie and black as a Raven.
9
So that to inferre this as a curse, or to reason it as a deformity, is no way reasonable; the two foundations of beauty, Symmetry and complexion, receiving such various apprehensions; that no deviation will be expounded so
high as a curse or undeniable deformity, without a manifest and confessed degree of monstrosity.

Lastly, It is a very injurious method unto Philosophy, and a perpetuall promotion of ignorance, in points of obscurity, nor open unto easie considerations, to fall upon a present refuge unto Miracles; or recurre unto immediate contrivance from the insearchable hands of God. Thus in the conceit of the evil odor of the Jews,
10
Christians without a farther research into the verity of the thing, or enquiry into the cause, draw up a judgement upon them from the passion of their Saviour. Thus in the wondrous effects of the clime of Ireland, and the freedom from all venemous creatures, the credulity of common conceit imputes this immunity unto the benediction of St Patrick, as Beda and Gyraldus have left recorded. Thus the Asse having a peculiar mark of a crosse made by a black list down his back, and another athwart, or at right angles down his shoulders; common opinion ascribes this figure unto a peculiar signation; since that beast had the honour to bear our Saviour on his back. Certainly this is a course more desperate then Antipathies, Sympathies or occult qualities; wherein by a finall and satisfactive discernment of faith, we lay the last and particular effects upon the first and generall cause of all things; whereas in the other, we doe but palliate our determinations; untill our advanced endeavours doe totally reject, or partially salve their evasions.

C
HAP
.XII.
A digression concerning Blacknesse
C
HAP
.XIII.
Of Gypsies
C
HAP
.XIV.
Of some others
THE SEVENTH BOOK:
CONCERNING MANY HISTORICALL TENENTS GENERALLY RECEIVED
,
AND SOME DEDUCED FROM THE HISTORY OF HOLY SCRIPTURE
C
HAP
.I.
Of the Forbidden Fruit
C
HAP
.II.
That a Man hath one Rib lesse then a Woman

That a Man hath one Rib lesse then a Woman, is a common conceit derived from the history of Genesis, wherein it stands delivered, that Eve was framed out of a Rib of Adam; whence ’tis concluded the sex of man still wants that rib our Father lost in Eve. And this is not only passant with the many, but was urged against Columbus in an Anatomy of his at Pisa; where having prepared the Sceleton of a Woman that chanced to have thirteen ribs on one side, there arose a party that cried him down, and even unto oathes affirmed, this was the rib wherein a woman exceeded. Were this true, it would autoptically
1
silence that dispute out of which side Eve was framed; it would determine the opinion of Oleaster, that she was made out of the ribs of both sides; or such as from the expression of the Text maintain there was a plurality required, and might indeed decry the parabolicall
2
exposition of Origen, Cajetan, and such as fearing to concede a monstrosity, or mutilate the integrity of Adam; preventively conceive the creation of thirteen ribs.

But this will not consist with reason or inspection. For if we survey the Sceleton of both sexes, and therein the compage
3
of bones, we shall readily discover that men and women have four and twenty ribs; that is, twelve on each side; seven greater annexed unto the Sternon, and five lesser which come short thereof; wherein if it sometimes happen that either sex exceed, the conformation is irregular, deflecting from the common rate
or number, and no more inferrible upon mankinde, then the monstrosity of the son of Rapha, or the vitious excesse in the number of fingers and toes. And although some difference there be in figure, and the female
os inominatum
4
be somewhat more protuberant, to make a fairer cavity for the Infant; the coccyx sometime more reflected to give the easier delivery, and the ribs themselves seem a little flatter, yet are they equall in number. And therefore while Aristotle doubteth the relations made of Nations, which had but seven ribs on a side, and yet delivereth that men have generally no more then eight; as he rejecteth their history, so can we not accept of his Anatomy….

C
HAP
.III.
Of Methuselah

What hath been every where opinion’d, by all men, and in all times, is more then Paradoxicall to dispute; and so that Methuselah was the longest liver of all the posterity of Adam
5
we quietly beleeve: but that he must needs be so, is perhaps below Paralogy
6
to deny. For hereof there is no determination from the Text; wherein it is only particular’d he was the longest liver of all the Patriarchs whose age is there expressed; but that he outlived all others we cannot well conclude. For of those nine whose death is mentioned before the floud, the Text expresseth that Enoch was the shortest liver; who saw but three hundred sixty five years. But to affirm from hence, none of the rest, whose age is not expressed, did die before that time; is surely an illation whereto we cannot assent.

Again, Many persons there were in those daies of longevity, of whose age notwithstanding there is no account in Scripture; as of the race of Cain, the wives of the nine Patriarches, with all the sons and daughters that every one begat; whereof perhaps some persons might outlive Methuselah; the Text intending only the masculine line of Seth, conduceable unto the Genealogy
of our Saviour, and the antediluvian Chronology. And therefore we must not contract the lives of those which are left in silence by Moses….

Now that conception that no man did ever attain unto a thousand years, because none should ever be one day old in the sight of the Lord, unto whom according to that of David, A thousand years are but one day;
7
doth not advantage Methuselah. And being deduced from a popular expression, which will not stand a Metaphysicall and strict examination, is not of force to divert a serious enquirer. For unto God a thousand years are no more then one moment,
8
and in his sight Methuselah lived no nearer one day then Abel, for all parts of time are alike unto him, unto whom none are referrible; and all things present, unto whom nothing is past or to come. And therefore, although we be measured by the Zone of time, and the flowing and continued instants thereof, do weave at last a line and circle about the eldest; yet can we not thus commensurate the sphere of Trismegistus;
9
or sum up the unsuccessive and stable duration of God.

C
HAP
.IV.
That there was no Rainbow before the Floud
C
HAP
.V.
Of Sem, Ham, and Japhet
C
HAP
.VI.
That the Tower of Babel was erected against a second Deluge
C
HAP
.VII.
Of the Mandrakes of Leah
C
HAP
.VIII.
Of the three Kings of Collein
C
HAP
.IX.
Of the food of John the Baptist, Locusts and wilde honey
C
HAP
.X.
That John the Evangelist should not die
C
HAP
.XI.
More compendiiously of some others
C
HAP
.XII.
Of the cessation of Oracles

That Oracles ceased or grew mute at the coming of Christ, is best understood in a qualified sense and not without all latitude; as though precisely there were none after, nor any decay before. For (what we must confesse unto relations of Antiquity) some pre-decay is observable from that of Cicero urged by Baronius;
Cur isto modo jam oracula Delphis non eduntur, non modo nostra ætate, sed jam diu, ut nihil possit esse contemptius
.
10
That during his life they were not altogether dumb, is deduceable from Suetonius in the life of Tiberius, who attempting to subvert the Oracles adjoining unto Rome, was deterred by the Lots or Chances which were delivered at Preneste. After his death we meet with many; Suetonius reports, that the Oracle of Antium forewarned Caligula to beware of Cassius, who was one that conspired his death. Plutarch
11
enquiring why the Oracles of Greece ceased, excepteth that of Lebadia; and in the same place Demetrius affirmeth the Oracles of Mopsus and Amphilochus were much frequented in his daies. In brief, histories are frequent in examples, and there want not some even to the reign of Julian.

What therefore may consist with history; by cessation of Oracles with Montacutius we may understand their inter-cision,
12
not abscission or consummate desolation; their rare delivery, not totall dereliction: and yet in regard of divers Oracles, we may speak strictly, and say there was a proper Cessation. Thus may we reconcile the accounts of times, and allow those few and broken Divinations, whereof we reade in story and undeniable Authors. For that they received this blow from Christ, and no other causes alledged by the Heathens; from oraculous confession they cannot deny; whereof upon record there are some very remarkable. The first that Oracle of Delphos delivered unto Augustus.

Me puer Hebræus Divos Deus ipse gubernans

Cedere sede jubet, tristemque redire sub orcum;

Aris ergo dehinc tacitus discedito nostris.

An Hebrew childe, a God all gods excelling,

To hell again commands me from this dwelling.

Our Altars leave in silence, and no more

A resolution e’re from hence implore.

A second recorded by Plutarch, of a voice that was heard to cry unto Mariners at the Sea,
Great Pan is dead
; which is a relation very remarkable, and may be read in his defect of Oracles. A third reported by Eusebius in the life of his magnified Constantine; that about that time Apollo mourned, declaring his Oracles were false, and that the righteous upon earth did hinder him from speaking truth. And a fourth related by Theodoret, and delivered by Apollo Daphnes unto Julian, upon his Persian Expedition, that he should remove the bodies about him, before he could return an answer, and not long after his Temple was burnt with Lightning.

All which were evident and convincing acknowledgements of that power which shut his
13
lips; and restrained that delusion which had reigned so many Centuries. But as his malice is vigilant, and the sinnes of men doe still continue a toleration of his mischiefs, he resteth not, nor will he ever cease to circumvent the sonnes of the first deceived; and therefore expelled his Oracles and solemn Temples of delusion, he runnes into corners, exercising minor trumperies, and acting his deceits in Witches, Magicians, Diviners, and such inferiour seducers. And yet (what is deplorable) while we apply our selves thereto, and affirming that God hath left to speak by his Prophets, expect in doubtfull matters a resolution from such spirits; while we say the devil is mute, yet confesse that these can speak; while we deny the substance, yet practise the effect; and in the denied solemnity maintain the equivalent efficacy; in vain we cry that Oracles are down; Apollo’s altar still doth smoke; nor is the fire of Delphos out unto this day.

Impertinent it is unto our intention to speak in generall of
Oracles, and many have well performed it. The plainest of others was that recorded by Herodotus and delivered unto Cræsus; who as a triall of his omniscience sent unto distant Oracles; and so contrived with the messengers, that though in severall places, yet at the same time they should demand what Cræsus was then a doing. Among all others the Oracle of Delphos only hit it; returning answer, he was boyling a Lamb with a Tortoyse, in a brazen vessell with a cover of the same metall. The stile is haughty in Greek, though somewhat lower in Latine,

Æquoris est spatium & numerus mihi notus arenæ,

Mutum percipio, fantis nihil audio vocem.

Venit ad hos sensus nidor testudinis acris,

Quæ semel agninâ coquitur cum carne labete,

Aere infra strato, & stratum cui desuper as est.

I know the space of Sea, the number of the sand,

I hear the silent, mute I understand.

A tender Lamb joyned with Tortoise flesh,

Thy Master King of Lydia now doth dresse.

The sent thereof doth in my nostrils hover

From brazen pot closed with brazen cover.

Hereby indeed he acquired much wealth and more honour, and was reputed by Cræsus as a Diety: and yet not long after, by a vulgar fallacy he deceived his favourite and greatest friend of Oracles into an irreparable overthrow by Cyrus. And surely the same successe are likely all to have that rely or depend upon him;
14
’twas the first play he practised on mortality, and as time hath rendred him more perfect in the Art, so hath the inveteratenesse of his malice more ready in the execution. ’Tis therefore the sovereign degree of folly, and a crime not only against God, but also our own reasons, to expect a favour from the devil, whose mercies are more cruell then those of Polyphemus; for he devours his favourites first, and the nearer a man approacheth, the sooner he is scorched by Moloch. In brief, his favours are deceitfull and double-headed, he doth apparent good, for reall and convincing evil after it; and exal-teth us up to the top of the Temple, but to humble us down from it.

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