Read The Oxford History of World Cinema Online
Authors: Geoffrey Nowell-Smith
stylistic conventions of the domestic melodrama, perhaps most notably in the way
everyday objects, such as a white window curtain or a fallen black veil, took on added
significance through singular framing (or magnification) and associational editing. These
strategies were shared by a related group of 'realist' melodramas which Delluc saw as
influenced by certain Triangle films but which also derived from an indigenous French
tradition. Here, Antoine's adaptations of Le Coupable ( 1917) and Les Travailleurs de la
mer ('Workers of the sea', 1918) were exemplary, especially in their location shooting
(one on the outskirts of Paris, the other on the coast of Brittany). But Delluc also drew
attention to the photogénie of the peasant landscapes in Baroncelli's Le Retour aux
champs ('Return to the fields', 1918) as well as certain factory scenes in Henri Roussel's
L'Âme du bronze ('The bronze soul', 1918), one of Eclair's last films. Both kinds of
melodrama would provide the basis for some of the best French films after the war.
'LES ANNÉES FOLLES': FRENCH CINEMA REVIVED
By the end of the war, the French cinema industry confronted a crisis aptly summed up by
posters advertising Mundus-Film (distributors for Selig, Goldwyn, and First National): a
cannon manned by American infantrymen fired one film title after another into the centre
of a French target. According to La Cinématographie française (which soon became the
leading trade journal), for every 5,000 metres of French films presented weekly in France
there were 25,000 metres of imported films, mostly American. Sometimes French films
made up little more than 10 per cent of what was being screened on Paris cinema
programmes. As Henri Diamant-Berger, the publisher of Le Film, bluntly put it, France
was in danger of becoming a 'cinematographic colony' of the United States. How would
the French cinema survive and, if it did, Delluc asked, how would it be French?
The industry's response to this crisis was decidedly mixed over the course of the next
decade. The production sector underwent a paradoxical series of metamorphoses. The
established companies, for instance, either chose or were forced to beat a retreat. In 1918
Pathé-Frères reorganized as Pathé-Cinéma, which soon shut down SCAGL and sold off
its foreign exchanges, including the American affiliate. Two years later, another
reorganization made Pathé-Cinéma responsible for making and marketing apparatuses
and film stock and set up a new company, Pathé-Consortium (over which Charles Pathé
lost control), which rashly began investing in big-budget 'superproductions' that soon
resulted in staggering financial losses. After briefly underwriting 'Séries Pax' films,
Gaumont gradually withdrew from production, a move that accelerated with Feuillade's
death in 1925. Film d'Art also reduced its production schedule as its chief producers and
directors left to set up their own companies. Only the emergence of a 'cottage industry' of
small production companies during the early 1920s provided a significant counter to this
trend. Joining those film-makers already having quasi-independent companies of their
own, for instance, were Perret (returning from the USA), DiamantBerger, Gance, Feyder,
Delluc, Léon Poirier, Julien Duvivier, René Clair, and Jean Renoir. Even larger companies
were established by Louis Nalpas, who left Film d'Art to construct a studio at Victorine
(near Nice), by Marcel L'Herbier, who left Gaumont to found Cinégraphic as an
alternative atelier for himself and other independents, and by a Russian émigré film
colony which took over Pathé's Montreuil studio, first as Films Ermolieffand then as
Films Albatros. The two other principal producers were the veteran Aubert and a
newcomer, Jean Sapène. Based on an alliance with Film d'Art, Aubert built up a
consortium which, by 1923-4, included half a dozen quasi-independent film-makers.
Sapène, the publicity editor at Le Matin, took over a small company named Cinéromans,
hired Nalpas as his excutive producer, and set up an efficient production schedule of
historical serials to be distributed by Pathé-Consortium. So successful were those serials
that Sapène was able to assume control of and revitalize Pathé-Consortium, with
Cinéromans as its new production base.
Although French production increased to 130 feature films by 1922, that figure was far
below the number produced by either the American or German cinema industries, and
French films still comprised a small percentage of cinema programmes. To improve its
position, the industry embarked on a strategy of co-producing 'international' films,
especially through alliances with Germany. This came after earlier repeated failures to
create alliances with the American cinema industry or to exploit American stars such as
Sessue Hayakawa and Fanny Ward; it was also impelled by Paramount's bold move to
launch its own production schedule in Paris, resulting in such box-office hits as Perret's
'Americanized' version of Madame Sans-Gêne ( 1925), starring Gloria Swanson. Pathé,
for instance, joined a new European consortium financed by the German Hugo Stinnes
and the Russian émigré Vladimir Wengeroff (Vengerov), which initially backed Gance's
proposed six-part film of NapoLéon and, through Ciné-France, managed by Noé Bloch
(formerly of Albatros), underwrote Fescourt's four-part adaptation of Les Misérables
( 1925) and Victor Tourjansky's Michel Strogoff ( 1926). That consortium collapsed,
however, when Stinnes's sudden death exposed an incredible level of debt. Further
French-German alliances were then curtailed by heavy American investment, through the
Dawes Plan, in the German cinema industry. The results of this co-production strategy
were mixed. Although generally profitable, such films required huge budgets which,
coupled with a high rate of inflation in France, reduced the French level of production to
just fifty-five films in 1925 -- drying up funds for small production companies and
driving most independent film-makers into contract work with the dominant French
producers.
During the last half of the decade, every major French production company went through
changes in management and orientation. After losing its Russian émigré base, Albatros
secured the services of Feyder and Clair to direct films (especially comedies) that were
more specifically French in character. Although Aubert himself began to take a less active
role, his company's production level remained strong, especially through contracts with
Film d'Art, Duvivier, and a new film-making team, Jean BenoîtLévy and Marie Epstein.
Cinéromans launched a series of 'Films de France' features (by Dulac and Pierre
Colombier, among others) to complement its serials; but when Sapène himself took over
Nalpas's position as executive producer, the company's output generally began to suffer.
Joining these companies were four others, all either financed by Russian émigré money or
associated with Paramount. In 1923 Jacques Grinieff provided an enormous sum to the
Société des Films Historiques, whose grandiose scheme was 'to render visually the whole
history of France'. Its first production, Raymond Bernard's Le Miracle des loups ('The
miracle of the wolves'), premièred at the Paris Opéra and went on to become the most
popular film of 1924. In 1926-7 Bernard Natan, director of a film-processing company
and publicity agency with connections to Paramount, purchased an Éclair studio at Épinay
and constructed another in Montmartre in order to produce films by Perret, Colombier,
Marco de Gastyne, and others. At the same time, Robert Hurel, a French producer for
Paramount, founded Franco-Film, wooing Perret away from Natan after La Femme hue
('The naked woman', 1926) to deliver a string of hits starring Louise Lagrange, the new
'Princess of the French Cinema'. Finally, out of the ashes of Ciné-France arose the Société
Générale des Films, which drew on Grinieff's immense fortune to complete Gance's
NapoLéon ( 1927) and finance Alexandre Volkoff's Casanova ( 1927) and Carl Dreyer's
La Passion de Jeanne d'Arc ('The Passion of Joan of Arc', 1928). Against this tide of
consolidation, a few lone figures maintained a tenacious, but marginal, independence,
among them Jean Epstein and especially Pierre Braunberger (the former publicity director
for Paramount), whose Néo-Film offered a 'laboratory' for young film-makers.
During the 1920s the distribution sector of the industry faced an even more severe
challenge. One after another, the major American companies either set up their own
offices in Paris or strengthened their alliances with French distributors. In 1920 came
Paramount and Fox-Film; in 1921 it was the turn of United Artists and First National; in
1922 they were joined by Universal, Metro, and Goldwyn, the latter two signing
exclusive distribution contracts, respectively, with Aubert and Gaumont. That this could
happen so easily was due not only to the Americans' economic power but also to the
French government's inability either to impose substantial import duties on American
films or to legislate a quota system restricting their numbers vis-à-vis French films. The
American success stood in stark contrast to the French film industry's failure to rebuild its
own export markets lost in the war. In the United States, for instance, no more than a
dozen French films were exhibited annually from 1920 to 1925, and few reached cinemas
outside New York. By the end of the decade, the number had increased only slightly. The
situation was different in Germany, where a good percentage of French production was
distributed between 1923 and 1926, in contrast to the far fewer German films imported
into France. That too changed, however, when ACE began distributing German films in
Paris, bypassing French firms altogether. By 1927 the number of German titles released in
France surpassed the total production of the French cinema industry.
That the French distribution market did not capitulate completely to the Americans and
Germans was due in large part to Pathé-Consortium. Whatever its internal problems and
shifts in production, Pathé served, much as it did before and during the war, as the major
outlet not only for its own product but also for that of smaller companies and independent
producers. Cinéromans serials played a decisive role precisely at the moment when, in
1922-3, fresh from their conquest of the British cinema market and just before their
intervention in Germany, American companies seemed ready to impose a block-booking
system of film distribution within France. According to Fescourt, the serials functioned as
a counter system of block booking in that, for at least nine months, they guaranteed
exhibitors 'a long series of weeks of huge returns from a faithful public hooked on the
formula'. Having taken over the contracts of AGC and negotiated others with Film d'Art
and independents such as Feyder and Baroncelli, by 1924-5 Aubert complemented Pathé
efforts as the second largest French distributor. Yet, even though other companies
emerged, such as Armor (to distribute Albatros films), there were never enough
independent French distributors, nor was there a consortium or network which could
distribute the great number of independent French films. As the decade wore on, the
French resistance to foreign domination began to weaken: Gaumont came under the
control of MGM, while Aubert and Armor gradually moved within the orbit of ACE.
However successful Pathé, Aubert, and others had been, the Americans and Germans
secured a foothold within the French cinema industry at the crucial moment of the
transition to sound films.
Compared to the rest of the industry, the exhibition sector remained relatively secure
throughout the 1920s. The number of cinemas rose from 1,444 at the end of the war to
2,400 just two years later and nearly doubled again to 4,200 by 1929. At the same time,
box-office receipts increased exponentially, even taking into account a short period of
high inflation, going from 85 million francs in 1923 to 230 million in 1929. This occurred
despite the fact that the vast majority of French cinemas were independently, even
individually, owned (the figure was perhaps as high as 80 per cent), few of those had a
capacity of 750 seats or more, and less than half operated on a daily basis. That the
exhibition sector did so well was due partly to the enormous popularity of American
films, from Robin Hood (with Douglas Fairbanks) to Ben-Hur. Yet French films, and not
only the serials, also contributed: Feyder's costly L'Atlatitide ( 1921), for instance, played
at the prestigious Madeleine cinema for a whole year. Equally important, however, the
luxury cinemas or palaces, most of them constructed or renovated by Aubert, Gaumont,
and Pathé as 'flagships' for their circuits, generated an unusually high volume of receipts.
There were Aubert-Palaces in nearly every major French city as well as the 2,000-seat
Tivoli in Paris. As its interests shifted to distribution and exhibition, Gaumont acquired
control of the Madeleine, which, with the Gaumont-Palace, served to anchor its Paris
circuit. Pathé renovated the Pathé-Palace into the Caméo, constructed the Empire and
Impérial, and formed an alliance with a new circuit in the capital, Lutetia-Fournier. Only a