Read The Oxford History of World Cinema Online
Authors: Geoffrey Nowell-Smith
tyrants, madmen, somnambulists, crazed scientists, and homunculi anticipate the horrors
that were to follow between 1933 and 1945? But why not assume that the films, even in
their own time, look back, cocking a snook at Romanticism and neo-Gothic? The standard
works on the subject, Lotte Eisner's The Haunted Screen ( 1969) and Siegfried Kracauer's
From Caligari to Hitler ( 1947), resolutely do not consider this last possibility, but opt, as
their somewhat lurid titles indicate, for seeing the films as symptoms of troubled souls.
Eisner's and Kracauer's powerful portraits left much else about the early German cinema
in the shadows. In some respects, the spotlight they cast on the early and mid-1920s only
deepened the darkness into which prejudice and physical destruction had already plunged
the first two decades of German film history. One point to make when reassessing the
earliest period is that Germany could boast, in the field of film technology, optics, and
photographic instruments, of a fair share of inventors and 'pioneers': Simon Stampfer,
Ottomar Anschütz, the Skladanowsky brothers, Oskar Messter, Guido Seeber, the
Stollwerck and Agfa works connote innovators of international stature, but also a solid
manufacturing and engineering basis. Yet Wilhelmine Germany was not a major film-
producing nation. Cultural resistance as much as economic conservatism caused film
production up to about 1912/13 to stagnate at a pre-industry stage. While the
Skladanowsky brothers' first public presentation of their Bioskop projector in November
1895 at the Berlin Wintergarten narrowly precedes the Lumière brothers' first public
demonstration of the Cinématographe, the lead in exhibition did not translate into
production.
THE WILHELMINE YEARS
Of the companies that established themselves mainly in Berlin, Hamburg, and Munich,
the firms of Messter, Greenbaum, Duskes, Continental-Kunstfilm, and Deutsche
Mutoskop und Biograph stand out. They were often family businesses, manufacturing
optical and photographic equipment, which entered into film production mainly as a way
of selling cameras and projectors. Oskar Messter appears to have been interested in the
scientific and military uses of the cinema as much as he was in its entertainment potential.
By contrast, the strategy of Paul Davidson, the other important German producer of the
1910s, was entirely entertainment-oriented. Originally successful in the Frankfurt fashion
business, Davidson built his Allgemeine Kinematographen Gesellschaft Union Theater
(later: PAGU) bottom-up, from the films to the sites and the hardware. In 1909 he opened
a 1,200seater cinema at the Berlin Alexanderplatz, and took up production, to
complement his supply of films from foreign companies, notably Pathé in Paris and the
Nordisk Film Kompagni in Copenhagen. While Messter was still experimenting with his
'Tonbilder' (arias from Salome, Siegfried, Tannhäuser filmed in the studio and
synchronized with sound cylinders for projection), Davidson, in 1911, took under contract
one of the Nordisk's major assets, Asta Nielsen and her husband-director Urban Gad.
By the outbreak of the war, no more than 14 per cent of the total films shown in German
cinemas were Germanproduced. The films that have survived from before 1913 reflect
this haphazard growth quite accurately. For the first decade, actuality films ( Berlin street
scenes, military parades, naval launches, the Kaiser reviewing troops), vaudeville and
trapeze acts (a boxing kangaroo, tumbling acrobats, cycle tricks), fashion shows, and
erotic bathing scenes make up the bulk of the films, along with comic sketches in the
Pathé manner, magic lantern or zoetrope slides transferred to film, trick films, and
mother-in-law jokes.
From 1907 onwards, one begins to recognize a certain generic profile: dramas featuring
children and domestic animals ( Detected by her Dog, 1910; Carlchen und Carlo, 1912),
social dramas centred on maid-servants, governesses, and shopgirls ( Heimgefunden,
1912; Madeleine, 1912), mountain films ( Wildschiitzenrache (A poacher's revenge'),
1909; Der Alpenjäger ('Alpine hunter'), 1910), love triangles at sea ( Der Schatten des
Meeres ('The shadow of the sea'), 1912), and marital dramas in time of war and peace
( The Two Suitors, 1910, Zweimal gelebt ('Two lives'), 1911). On the whole, the titles are
indicative of an ideologically conservative society, conventional in its morality, philistine
in its tastes, but, above all, family-oriented. Yet the films themselves, while often
ponderous and predictable, show that much care was taken over the visual mise-en-scène.
A number of films have the cinema itself as subject: Der stellungslose Photograph ('The
unemployed photographer', 1912), Die Filmprimadonna ('The film star'), and Zapata's
Bande ('Zapata's gang') (both with Asta Nielsen, 1913). They are almost the only
suggestion that German pre-war films, too, could communicate some of the modernity,
the zany energy, and raffish bohemianism to which the cinema owed its mass appeal and
which was so typical of French, American, and especially Danish films of the period.
As to German film stars, there is no doubt that the first one was Kaiser Wilhelm II
himself, always shown strutting with his generals and admirals. Asta Nielsen was soon
rivalled by Henny Porten (a discovery of Messter) as Germany's major female star of the
pre-war period, though she remained much less well known internationally. Messter, who
had begun to make longer films by 1909, proved adept at taking actors from stage and
vaudeville under contract, giving many later stars their début, among them Emil Jannings,
Lil Dagover, and Conrad Veidt.
The year 1913 was a turning-point for the German cinema, as it was in other film-making
countries. By then, the exhibition situation had stabilized around the threeto five-reel
feature film, premièred in luxury cinemas. German film production increased, developing
a number of genres that were to become typical. Outstanding among them were suspense
dramas and detective films, some of them ( Die Landstrasse ('The highway'), Hands of
Justice, Der Mann im Keller ('The man in the cellar')), showing a quantum increase in
cinematic sophistication, with remarkable use of outdoor locations and period interiors.
Lighting, camera movement, and editing began to be deployed as part of a recognizable
stylistic system, which compares interestingly with the handling of space and narration in
American or French films of the time.
A scene from Leni's "Expressionist" Waxworks (Das Wachsfigurenkabinett, 1924)
Adapted from Danish and French serials, the crime films often featured a star detective
with an Anglicized name, such as Stuart Webbs, Joe Deebs, or Harry Higgs. As private
detective and master criminal try to outwit each other, their cars and taxi-rides, railway
pursuits and telephone calls convey the drive and energy of the new medium. The films
cast a fascinated eye on modern technology and urban locations, on the mechanics of
crime and detection, while the protagonists revel in disguise and transformation,
motivating spectacular stunts, especially in the frequent chase scenes.
A distinct vitality and wit exudes from the cinema of Franz Hofer ( Die schwarze Kugel
('The black ball')) and Joseph Delmont, whose feeling for the excitement of the
metropolitan scene makes him depict Berlin, in Das Recht auf Dasein ('The right to live'),
gripped by a construction and housing boom. Henny Porten and Asta. Nielsen were no
match in popularity for the first matinee idol superstar, Harry Piel, specializing in daring
adventure and chase films. An exception to the rule that Germans have no film humour is
the comedies of Franz Hofer ( Hurrah! Einquartierung and Das rosa Pantöffelchen),
which prove worthy antecedents of Ernst Lubitsch's farces from the mid-1910s, with their
tomboyish, headstrong heroines.
These popular genres and stars have often been neglected in accounts of the period,
because of the more commented-on aspect of 1913, namely, the emergence of the so-
called Autorenfilm ('author's film'). Initiated under the impact of the French film d'art, the
aim was to profit from the established reputation of published or performed authors, and
to persuade the leading names of Berlin's theatres to lend cultural prestige to the screen.
Not only were popular but now forgotten writers such as Paul Lindau and Heinrich
Lautensack signed on, but also Gerhard Hauptmann, Hugo von Hofmannsthal, and Arthur
Schnitzler. Because of an acrimonious union dispute in 1911, actors had been
contractually forbidden to appear in films, but when in 1913 Albert Bassermann agreed to
star in Max Mack's adaptation of the Lindau play Der Andere ('The other one', 1913),
others followed suit. Davidson took under contract the star-maker par excellence, Max
Reinhardt, who directed two films, Eine venezianische Nacht (A Venetian night', 1913)
and Insel der Seligen ('The island of the blessed', 1913), full of mythological and fairy-
tale motifs which were liberally borrowed from Shakespeare's comedies and German fin-
de-siècle plays.
The most militant advocate of the author's film was the cinema owner and novelist Hanns
Heinz Ewers, who with Paul Wegener and Stellan Rye made The Student of Prague (Der
Student von Prag, 1913), which, because of the motif of the double, has often been
compared to Der Andere. The Danish influence is no accident, since Nordisk was one of
the prime forces behind the Autorenfilm, producing two of the genre's most costly
ventures, Atlantis ( 1913, based on a Hauptmann novel) and Dasfremde Mädchen ('The
foreign girl', a 'dream play' specially written by Hoffmannsthal). Another firm
specializing in literary adaptations was Heinrich Bolten-Baeckers's BB-Literaria, founded
as a joint venture with Pathé, in order to exploit Pathé literary rights in Germany. Such
moves underscore the international character of the German cinema in 1913, with actors
and directors from Denmark ( Viggo Larsen, Valdemar Psilander) undoubtedly exercising
the strongest influence on domestic production, while France, Britain, and America
supplied the majority of non-German films shown in the cinemas.
GERMAN CINEMA AND THE FIRST WORLD WAR
The upturn and consolidation of German film production was thus already well under way
when war broke out, and the immediate effect of hostilities on the film business was
mixed. With an import embargo in force, some firms, such as PAGU, suffered substantial
losses before they were able to organize new sources of film supply. But there were also
winners for whom the confiscation of property from the foreign firms operating in
Germany, and the soaring demands for films, signalled a unique opportunity. A new
generation of producers and producer-directors made their breakthrough, after the
government had lifted the initial ban on cinema-going. Erich Pommer, a young sales
representative for the French firms Gaumont and Éclair, seized his chance and formed
Decla ('Deutsche Éclair'), which was to become the key producer of German quality
cinema after the war. Among the new firms which flourished was that of producer-
director Joe May, soon the market leader in detective serials and highly successful with
his 'Mia May films', melodramas featuring his wife. In his case, too, it was the war years
which laid the foundation of his post-war fame as Germany's chief producer of epics and
spectaculars. Similarly, the director-producer Richard Oswald, one of the most competent
professional film-makers of the 1910s, was later epitomized as 'war profiteer', when after
the abolition of censorship in 1918 he spotted a niche for his highly successful
'enlightenment films' (moralizing sex melodramas). To give an indication of the scale on
which the German film industry expanded during the war: in 1914, 25 German firms
competed with 47 foreign ones; by 1918, the relation was 130 to 10.
The quality of German films from the war years has rarely been assessed impartially.
Some featuring the war, and often dismissed as patriotic propaganda films or 'fieldgrey
kitsch', turn out to be major surprises. Thus, the films of Franz Hofer (e.g.
Weihnachtsglocken ('Christmas bells'), 1914) are stylistically sophisticated, projecting a
feel both distinctively German and free of jingoism, as they plead for self-sacrifice and