The Parthenon Enigma (78 page)

40.
Isokrates,
Panathenaikos
193; Hyginus,
Fabulae
46.

41.
Thucydides,
Peloponnesian War
2.15.1.

42.
For collected sources, see Austin, “De nouveaux fragments de l’
Érechthée
,” 54–55, and Kearns,
Heroes of Attica
, 201–2.

43.
Phanodemos,
FGrH
325 F 4 = Photios;
Suda
, s.v. Παρθένοι. At the end of his entry, Photios cites Phanodemos, though it is not clear whether Phanodemos is responsible for all of the information given or just the final bit. Phanodemos may be regarded as a fairly reliable source and is thought to have been a collaborator of Lykourgos.

44.
Apollodoros,
Library
3.15.

45.
Hyginus,
Fabulae
46, 238. Demaratus,
FGrH
42 F 4, says that the eldest daughter was sacrificed to Persephone.

46.
Hyginus,
Fabulae
253. Philochoros,
FGrH
328 F 105.

47.
See Kearns,
Heroes of Attica
, 201.

48.
A scholiast to Aristides,
Panathenaic Oration
85–87 (Lenz and Behr) = Dindorf 3:110, line 9, and 3:112, lines 10–15, identifies Aglauros, Herse, and Pandrosos as the daughters of Erechtheus, rather than as the daughters of Kekrops.

49.
The text of fragment 370.36–42 is very problematic and editors treat it differently. See Collard and Cropp,
Euripides VII: Fragments
, 393, for discussion and translation. We get a sense that Praxithea is looking upon the corpses of her two older daughters, who have, perhaps, leaped from the Acropolis. While it is by no means certain, we may have references to a “funeral rite” (line 38) and “limbs” (line 39).

50.
Apollodoros,
Library
3.15.4.

51.
Ibid., 3.14.6.

52.
According to Pausanias,
Description of Greece
1.18.2; Hyginus,
Poetic Astronomy
2.13; Hyginus,
Fabulae
166.

53.
Euripides,
Ion
277–78.

54.
I thank Angelos Chaniotis for drawing this to my attention. For
leges sacrae
, see E. Lupu,
Greek Sacred Law: A Collection of New Documents (NGSL)
(Leiden: Brill, 2005); R. Parker, “What Are Sacred Laws?,” in
The Law and the Courts in Ancient Greece
, ed. E. M. Harris and L. Rubinstein (London: Duckworth, 2004), 57–70.

55.
I thank Angelos Chaniotis for this suggestion.

56.
As first argued by D. M. Lewis, “Who Was Lysistrata? Notes on Attic Inscriptions (II),”
BSA
50 (1955): 1–36. See also Connelly,
Portrait of a Priestess
, 11–12, 60, 62–64, 66, 128, 130–31, 278; S. Georgoudi, “Lisimaca, la sacerdotessa,” in
Grecia al femminile
, ed. N. Loraux (Rome: Laterza, 1993), 157–96.

57. On the reconciliation, see Parker, “Myths of Early Athens,” 201–4.

58.
Translation is my own. I am deeply grateful to James Diggle and Anton Bierle for their kindness in helpful discussions of the text.

59.
Plutarch
, Lives of the Ten Orators: Lykourgos
843a–c; N. C. Conomis, “Lycurgus Against Leocrates 81,”
Praktika tes Akademias Athenon
33 (1958): 111–27; Connelly,
Portrait of a Priestess
, 12, 59–64, 117, 129–33, 143, 217.

60.
Translation: Burtt,
Minor Attic Orators, II
, 151, 153.

61.
See Sonnino,
Euripidis Erechthei
, 36–42, 113–19; M. Lacore, “Euripide et le culte de Poseidon-Erechthée,”
RÉA
85 (1983): 215–34; J. François, “Dieux et héros d’Athènes dans l’
Érechthée
d’Euripide,” in
IXe congrès international de Delphes sur le drame grec ancien (Delphes, 14–19 juillet 1998)
(Athens, 2004), 57–69.

62.
Plato,
Menexenus
239b; see Pappas, “Autochthony in Plato’s
Menexenus
”; Isokrates,
Panegyrikos
68–70; Isokrates,
Panathenaikos
193.

63.
Demosthenes,
Funeral Speech
27–29, also says that the daughters of Pandion inspired the Pandionidai and the daughters of Leos (sacrificed during time of plague) inspired the Leontidai. The Athenian statesman and general Phokion invokes the Hyakinthidai (daughters of Erechtheus) and the daughters of Leos in a speech to the assembly after the destruction of Thebes in 335
B.C.
; see Diodoros Siculus,
Library
17.15.2
.

64.
Demades, frag. 110.

65.
Bremmer,
Strange World of Human Sacrifice;
J. N. Bremmer, “Myth and Ritual in Greek Human Sacrifice: Lykaon, Polyxena, and the Case of the Rhodian Criminal,” in Bremmer,
Strange World of Human Sacrifice
, 55–79; T. Fontaine, “Blutrituale und Apollinische Schönheit: Grausame vorgeschichtliche Opferpraktiken in der Mythenwelt der Griechen und Etrusker,” in
Morituri: Menschenopfer, Todgeweihte, Strafgerichte
, ed. H.-P. Kuhnen (Trier: Rheinisches Landesmuseum, 2000), 49–70;
Enzyklopädie des Märchens
(1999), s.v. “Menschenopfer”; S. Georgoudi, “À propos du sacrifice humain en Grèce ancienne,”
Archiv für Religionsgeschichte
1 (1999): 61–82;
Der Neue Pauly
(1999), s.v. “Menschenopfer III”; P. Bonnechère, “La notion ‘d’acte collectif’ dans le sacrifice humain grec,”
Phoenix
52 (1998): 191–215; P. Bonnechère,
Le sacrifice humain en Grèce ancienne
(Athens: Centre International d’Étude de la Religion Grecque Antique, 1994); Hughes,
Human Sacrifice in Ancient Greece;
Wilkins, “The State and the Individual,” 178–80; O’Connor-Visser,
Aspects of Human Sacrifice
, 211–32; Henrichs, “Human Sacrifice in Greek Religion”; H. S. Versnel, “Self-Sacrifice: Conception and the Anonymous Gods,” in
Le sacrifice dans l’antiquité
, ed. J. Rudhardt and O. Reverdin (Geneva: Entretiens Hardt, 1981), 135–94; R. Girard,
Violence and the Sacred
, trans. P. Gregory (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1977); F. Schwenn,
Die Menschenopfer bei den Griechen und Römern
(Giessen: A. Töpelmann, 1915); J. Beckers, “De hostiis humanis apud Graecos” (Ph.D. diss., University of Münster, 1867); R. Suchier, “De victimis humanis apud Graecos” (Ph.D. diss., University of Marburg, 1848).

66.
Herodotos,
Histories
2.119.2–3.

67.
Plutarch,
Life of Themistokles
13.2–5 = Phainias, frag. 25 Wehrli.

68.
Henrichs, “Human Sacrifice in Greek Religion,” 213–17.

69.
Hughes,
Human Sacrifice in Ancient Greece
, 112.

70.
For the sacrifice as
sphagion
, see Euripides,
Ion
277–78.

71.
Homer,
Iliad
9.410–16. Translation: Nagy in
http://athome.harvard.edu/programs/nagy/threads/concept_of_hero.html
. On the contrast in genre of
kleos
and
nostos
, see G. Nagy,
Comparative Studies in Greek and Indic Meter
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1974), 11–13. For the meaning of
kleos
, see Nagy,
Greek Hero
, 26–31 and 50–54.

72.
Nagy,
Best of the Achaeans
, esp. 9–10, 102, 114–16, 184–85.

73.
Ibid., 35–41.

74.
When it comes to animal sacrifice, the purity of the victim is paramount in pleasing the gods. The younger and more unsullied, the better; therefore, lambs are
preferable to ewes and calves to cows. So, too, an untainted virgin is the most pleasing victim, and we do not hear of married, nonvirgin women being sacrificed. We do, however, hear of boys, like Menoikeus, son of King Kreon, who threw himself from the walls of Thebes to save the city from the seven warriors, in fulfillment of a prophecy made by Teiresias; see Euripides,
Phoenician Women
997–1014. Untainted boys, like their female counterparts, were desirable in that they were still pure. See Larson,
Greek Heroine Cults
, 107–8.

75.
Kearns, “Saving the City.”

76.
Pausanias,
Description of Greece
9.17.1.

77.
Ovid,
Metamorphoses
13.681–84; Antoninus Liberalis,
Metamorphoses
25.

78.
Demosthenes,
Funeral Speech
1398; Diodoros Siculus,
Library
15.17; Plutarch,
Life of Theseus
13; Pausanias,
Description of Greece
1.5.2; Aelian,
Historical Miscellany
12.28; scholiast on Thucydides,
Peloponnesian War
6.57.

79.
J. N. Bremmer, “Human Sacrifice in Euripides’
Iphigeneia in Tauris:
Greek and Barbarian,” in
Sacrifices humains/Human Sacrifices
, ed. P. Bonnechère and R. Gagné (Liège: Centre International d’Étude de la Religion Grecque Antique, 2013), 87–100; J. N. Bremmer, “Sacrificing a Child in Ancient Greece: The Case of Iphigeneia,” in
The Sacrifice of Isaac
, ed. E. Noort and E. J. C. Tigchelaar (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 21–43; H. Lloyd-Jones, “Artemis and Iphigeneia,”
JHS
103 (1983): 87–102 =
Academic Papers: Greek Comedy, Hellenistic Literature, Greek Religion and Miscellanea
11 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), 306–30. I thank Jan Bremmer for helpful discussions of this material.

80.
Euripides,
Iphigeneia at Aulis
1368–401. As Wilkins, “The State and the Individual,” 180, so effectively puts it: “The contribution of each sex is clear: sacrifice is required of all children of suitable age (and a corresponding sacrifice from parents): eligible boys must stand in the battle-line; eligible girls may be called upon for human sacrifice to promote victory.”

81.
O’Connor-Visser,
Aspects of Human Sacrifice in the Tragedies of Euripides;
N. Loraux,
Tragic Ways of Killing a Woman
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1987).

82.
Wilkins has pointed out how both plays focus on city goddess, festival, and virgin sacrifice; see Wilkins, “The State and the Individual”; Wilkins, “Young of Athens,” 333; Wilkins,
Euripides: Heraclidae
, 151–52.

83.
Zenobios 2.61.

84.
Pausanias,
Description of Greece
1.32.6.

85.
Translation: D. Kovacs, Euripides,
Children of Heracles
, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995), 57, 59.

86.
Thucydides,
Peloponnesian War
2.51.5.

87.
For dating of Euripides’s
Erechtheus
, see
note 6
.

88.
Estimated to have had a seating capacity of five thousand to six thousand during the fifth-century phase of the theater; see Meineck, “Embodied Space,” 4. Also, H. R. Goette, “Archaeological Appendix,” in
The Greek Theatre and Festivals: Documentary Studies
, ed. P. Wilson (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 116–21.

89.
Sourvinou-Inwood,
Tragedy and Athenian Religion
, 71–72.

90.
D. Allen,
Talking to Strangers: Anxieties of Citizenship Since Brown v. Board of Education
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), 47.

91.
Allen,
Why Plato Wrote
, 93.

92.
Humphreys,
Strangeness of Gods
, 104–5; C. G. Starr, “Religion and Patriotism in Fifth-Century Athens,” in
Panathenaia: Studies in Athenian Life and Thought in the Classical Age
, ed. T. E. Gregory and A. J. Podlecki (Lawrence, Kans.: Coronado Press, 1979), 11–25.

93.
Allen,
Why Plato Wrote
, 137. See Steinbock, “A Lesson in Patriotism,” for a full discussion of Lycourgos and the ephebeia.

94.
Plutarch,
Life of Perikles
8.6. See A. Chaniotis, “Emotional Community
Through Ritual in the Greek World,” in Chaniotis,
Ritual Dynamics in the Ancient Mediterranean
, 269, 275, 280, for discussion of the personal experience of the worshipper in communicating with the gods as the foundation for belief, expressed and strengthened through ritual. When beliefs are made public through ritual, they are given permanence and monumentality, enabling humans to permanently experience divine presence.

95.
Philochoros,
FGrH
328 F 12; Kearns,
Heroes of Attica
, 57–63; Kearns, “Saving the City”; U. Kron, “Patriotic Heroes,” in Hägg,
Ancient Greek Hero Cult
, 78–79; Larson,
Greek Heroine Cults
, 20. As heroines, see
Oxford Classical Dictionary
(1996), s.v. “Hyacinthides or Parthenoi”; as goddess, see
Der Neue Pauly
(1998), s.v. “Hyakinthides.”

96.
Euripides,
Erechtheus
F 370.71–74 Kannicht. The Hyakinthides are the same as the Hyades, line 107, scholiast on Aratus,
Phaenomena
172.

5 THE PARTHENON FRIEZE

1.
B. Randolph,
Present State of the Morea
, 3rd ed. (London: EEBO, 1789), 14. Vernon gives a matter-of-fact account of Eastcourt’s death in his diary entry for September 23, 1675: “Afternoone 2 Cl. Sr Giles in sound fetcht againe with cold water sleep 2 houres wake take Jelly dye 4 Cl. buried by 9 Cl.” In a postscript to a letter written from Athens, addressed to a “Reverend gentleman” and dated October 1675, Vernon recounts, “In the way betweene Lepanto and Salona, a daye’s journey from Delphos, my companion died; one Sir Giles Eastcourt, a Wiltshire gentleman, who had been formerly of Oxford, I think of Edmund Hall. I have written to his friends to give them notice of what hath happened.” For background on Vernon, see Wood,
Athenae Oxonienses
, 1:509.