The Parthenon Enigma (84 page)

34.
Herodotos,
Histories
8.27. The other two thousand shields seized from this battle were dedicated at the shrine of Abai (Kalapodi). Pritchett,
Greek State at War
, 3:285.

35.
Aeschines 3.116.

36.
Pausanias,
Description of Greece
10.19.3–4.

37.
Scott,
Delphi and Olympia
, 169–75.

38.
Pausanias,
Description of Greece
10.11.5, which would put its construction sometime in the 480s. This dating has been disputed by some scholars who think the building looks earlier than this, though Richard Neer defends the date given by Pausanias; R. Neer, “The Athenian Treasury at Delphi and the Material of Politics,”
ClAnt
23 (1982): 67.

39.
Ober,
Democracy and Knowledge
, 178.

40.
As explained by Morgan,
Athletes and Oracles
, 18.

41.
Pausanias,
Description of Greece
5.10.4.

42.
D. White, “The Cyrene Sphinx, Its Capital, and Its Column,”
AJA
75 (1971): 47–55.

43.
Pausanias,
Description of Greece
1.15.5.

44.
T. L. Shear, “A Spartan Shield from Pylos,”
ArchEph
76 (1937): 140–43; T. L. Shear, “The Campaign of 1936,”
Hesperia
6 (1937): 331–51.

45.
Lippman, Scahill, and Schultz, “Nike Temple Bastion.”

46.
I. S. Mark,
Sanctuary of Athena Nike in Athens: Architectural Stages and Chronology
(Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1993).

47.
E. Petersen, “Nachlese in Athen,”
JdI
23 (1908): 12–44.

48.
Aristophanes,
Knights
843–59.

49.
Lippman, Scahill, and Schultz, “Nike Temple Bastion.” I thank Richard Anderson for helpful discussions of this material.

50.
N. C. Loader,
Building in Cyclopean Masonry: With Special Reference to the Mycenaean Fortifications on Mainland Greece
(Jønsered: Paul Åström, 1998), 84–85.

51.
Pausanias,
Description of Greece
2.16.5, 2.25.8. J. A. Bundgaard,
Parthenon and the Mycenaean City on the Heights
(Copenhagen: National Museum of Denmark, 1976), 43–46. I thank Benjamin Schwaid, my former student at New York University, for his insights on the deliberate placing of the Nike temple upon the Mycenaean bastion.

52.
R. Carpenter,
The Sculptures of the Nike Temple Parapet
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1929).

53.
Pausanias,
Description of Greece
9.4.1; Pausanias,
Description of Greece
1.28.2, refers to the statue as the “Bronze Athena,” as does Demosthenes,
On the False Embassy
272. It is a scholiast to Demosthenes,
Against Androtion
12–15, who first calls the statue Promachos, “She Who Fights in the Front of Battle,” though no surviving sources of the classical period refer to it in this way. For the traditional date of 460–450 see Harrison, “Pheidias,” 28–30; Hurwit,
Athenian Acropolis
, 151–52; Djordjevitch, “Pheidias’s Athena Promachos Reconsidered,” 323. For the financing and dating of the statue, see
IG
I
³
435, though this inscription’s relevance to the Bronze Athena has been put in question; for a summary of the issues see O. Palagia, “Not from the Spoils of Marathon,” 117–37, where there is also a nice critique of the various reconstruction drawings that have been made for the statue, including the (not perfect) rendering by G. P. Stevens shown here on
this page
. For the statue in late antiquity, see Frantz,
Late Antiquity
, 76–77.

54.
A. E. Raubitschek and G. P. Stevens, “The Pedestal of the Athena Promachos,”
Hesperia
15 (1946): 107–14. Dinsmoor, in “The Pedestal of the Athena Promachos,”
AJA
25 (1921): 128, restored the statue’s height at 16.40 meters (including base);
Stevens, in “The Periclean Entrance Court to the Acropolis,”
Hesperia
5 (1936): 495–99, restored the statue at 9 meters (including base).

55.
Palagia, “Not from the Spoils of Marathon,” 18–19, 124–25, 127.

56.
IG
I
³
435; Dinsmoor, “Statue of Athena Promachos.”

57.
Martin-McAuliffe and Papadopoulos, “Framing Victory,” 345–46.

58.
IG
I
³
427–31, 435; Harrison, “Pheidias,” 28–34; Mattusch,
Greek Bronze Statuary
, 169–72; Hurwit,
Athenian Acropolis
, 24–25; Linfert, “Athenen des Phidias,” 66–71; Robertson,
History of Greek Art
, 294; Dinsmoor, “Two Monuments on the Athenian Acropolis”; Dinsmoor, “Statue of Athena Promachos.” B. D. Meritt, “Greek Inscriptions,”
Hesperia
5 (1936): 362–80.

59.
Pausanias,
Description of Greece
1.28.2.

60.
See B. Lundgreen, “A Methodological Enquiry: The Great Bronze Athena by Pheidias,”
JHS
117 (1997): 190–97; Harrison, “Pheidias,” 28–34; Ridgway, “Images of Athena,” 127–31; Linfert, “Athenen des Phidias,” 66–71; Mattusch,
Greek Bronze Statuary
, 170; E. Mathiopoulos, “Zur Typologie der Göttin Athena im fünften Jhr. v. Chr.” (Ph.D. diss., University of Bonn, 1961–1968); B. Pick, “Die ‘Promachos’ des Phidias und die Kerameikos-Lampen,”
AM
56 (1931): 59–74.

61.
F. W. Imhoof-Blumer, P. Gardner, and A. N. Oikonomides,
Ancient Coins Illustrating Lost Masterpieces of Greek Art
(Chicago: Argonaut, 1964), 128–29, plate Z i–viii; J. Boardman,
Greek Sculpture: The Classical Period
(London: Thames and Hudson, 1985), 203, fig. 180; Djordjevitch, “Pheidias’s Athena Promachos Reconsidered,” 323.

62.
G. P. Stevens, “Dedication of Spoils in Greek Temples,”
Hesperia Supplement
3 (1940).

63.
Herodotus,
Histories
9.13, 22; Pausanias,
Description of Greece
1.27.1; Demosthenes,
Against Timokrates
129. For archaeological evidence of the Persian sack, see T. L. Shear, “The Persian Destruction of Athens: Evidence from Agora Deposits,”
Hesperia
62 (1993): 383–482.

64.
Herodotus,
Histories
9.20–25.

65.
All listed in Harris,
Treasures of the Parthenon and Erechtheion
, with epigraphical citations and bibliography.

66.
Ibid., 234.

67.
Ibid., 81–103.

68.
Roux, “Pourquoi le Parthénon?,” and Tréheux, “Pourquoi le Parthénon?” I thank Patricia D. Connelly and Louise Connelly for their kind assistance with these texts.

69.
Furtwängler,
Meisterwerke
, 172–74.

70.
W. Dörpfeld, “Das Alter des Heiligtums von Olympia,”
AM
31 (1906): 170. Solomon Reinach followed in 1908, arguing that “Parthenon” signals a multiplicity of virgins; see S. Reinach, “ΠΑΡΘΕΝΟΝ,”
BCH
32 (1908): 499–513. For a summary of the scholarship up to 1984, see Roux, “Pourquoi le Parthénon?,” 301–6, and Tréheux, “Pourquoi le Parthénon?,” 238–42.

71.
Tréheux, “Pourquoi le Parthénon?,” 238, points out that Böckh, Bötticher, Stark, and Michaelis preceded Roux in locating the Parthenon within the eastern cella and in linking the word to the virginity of Athena. He cites A. K. Orlandos, H άρχιτεκτονικ του Παρθενου,
I–III
(Athens: Archaeological Society of Athens, 1977), 143, for complete bibliography.

72.
For inventories referring to the chamber called Parthenon see
chapter 3
, note 52.

73.
Harris,
Treasures of the Parthenon and Erechtheion
, 4–5, 40–80; see also T. Linders, “The Location of the Opisthodomos: Evidence from the Temple of Athena Inventories,”
AJA
111 (2007): 777–82.

74.
IG
II
²
1407.

75. Harpokration; see Roux, “Pourquoi le Parthénon?,” 304–5; Hurwit,
Athenian Acropolis
, 161–62.

76.
IG
I
³
343 4 (ca. 434/433
B.C.
);
IG
I
³
376.14 (ca. 409/408
B.C.
).

77.
Roux, “Pourquoi le Parthénon?,” 304–5; Tréheux, “Pourquoi le Parthénon?,” 233; Hurwit,
Athenian Acropolis
, 161–62.

78.
Demosthenes,
Against Androtion
76 and 184. Existence of a “Parthenon” on the Acropolis is attested in
IG
II
²
1407, dating to 385
B.C.

79.
Plutarch,
Life of Perikles
13.7. In his
Life of Cato
5.3, however, Plutarch calls it simply Hekatompedon.

80.
Pausanias,
Description of Greece
1.24.5.

81.
Tréheux, 238–40; Brauron,
SEG
46.13; Magnesia on the Maeander,
SEG
15.668; and Kyzikos, IMT Kyz Kapu Dag˘ 1433.

82.
As pointed out by I. Mylonopoulos, “Buildings, Images, and Rituals in the Greek World,” in
The Oxford Handbook of Greek and Roman Architecture
, forthcoming.

83.
Roux, “Pourquoi le Parthénon?,” 311–12.

84.
Hurwit,
Athenian Acropolis
, 36, fig. 32, cites
IG
I
³
728, 745 as possibly giving the earliest appearance of the words “Athena Parthenos,” inscribed on a base dedicated on the Acropolis (no. 6505) by one Telesios sometime between 500 and 480
B.C.

85.
Whatever its primary meaning, as comparative philologist and linguist Anna Morpugo Davies observed, the word “Parthenon” is unlikely to have been formed with the meaning of a single maiden in mind. I am indebted to Professor Davies for a very helpful discussion of the word
parthenon
in 1996.

86.
Euripides,
Iphigeneia at Tauris
1452–53; Pausanias,
Description of Greece
9.17.1.

87.
Pedersen,
Parthenon and the Origin of the Corinthian Capital
, 11–22. He points to the circular lines inscribed on the floor of the room which indicate the placement of these columns and clearly show that they were not Doric. This leaves two possibilities: Ionic and Corinthian. The use of Ionic capitals here is problematic, since they have distinctive “front” and “side” faces. Since this room is longer on its north–south axis than on its east–west axis, it forms what is called a “center-space room” in which the main corridor lies on a different axis from the rest of the building. This introduces a problem vis-à-vis which way the Ionic volutes faced: Would they have been aligned on the long axis of the Parthenon temple or on the shorter axis of the
parthenon
room? The introduction of Corinthian capitals here would solve this design problem, since akanthos leaves would completely encircle the crown of the columns, spreading equally on all sides and therefore specifying no “front” or “back” faces.

88.
Ibid., 16–20.

89.
Rykwert,
Dancing Column
, 317–27; Vitruvius,
Ten Books of Architecture
4.1.

90.
H. Gropengiesser,
Die pflanzlichen Akrotere klassischer Tempel
(Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1961), 2–17; P. Danner,
Griechische Akrotere der archaischen und klassischen Zeit
(Rome: G. Bretschneider, 1989), 13–14, no. 77; Korres, “Architecture of the Parthenon.”

91.
Pedersen,
Parthenon and the Origin of the Corinthian Capital
, 32–36.

92.
Euripides,
Erechtheus
F 370.85 Kannicht.

93.
Kyle,
Athletics in Ancient Athens
, 41–43.

94.
Zeus-Agamemnon:
RE
(1972), s.v. “Zeus”; A. Momigliano, “Zeus Agamemnone e il capo Malea,”
Studi Italiani di Filologia Classica
, n.s., 8 (1930): 317–19. Apollo-Hyakinthos: Aristotle,
Politics
8.28; C. Christou, “Ανασκαφή Αμυκλών,”
Praktika tes en Athenais Archaiologikis Etaireias
(1960): 228–31; C. Christou, “Αρχαιότητες Λακωvίας-Αρκαδίας: Αμύκλαι,”
ArchDelt
16 (1960): 102–3; J. M. Hall, “Politics and Greek Myth,” in
The Cambridge Companion to Greek Mythology
, ed. R. D. Woodard (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 331–54. Artemis-Iphigeneia at Brauron: J. Papadimitriou, “Excavations in Vravron Attica,”
Praktika tes en Athenais Archaiologikis Etaireias
42 (1948): 81–90; J. Papadimitriou, “The Sanctuary of Artemis at Brauron,”
Scientific American
208 (1963): 110–20.

95.
The bibliography on hero cult is large and ever growing: Albersmeier,
Heroes;
Ekroth, “Cult of Heroes”; J. Bravo, “Recovering the Past: The Origins of Greek Heroes and Hero Cult,” in Albersmeier,
Heroes
, 10–29; G. Ekroth, “Heroes and Hero-Cults,” in Ogden,
Companion to Greek Religion
, 100–114; H. van Wees, “From Kings to Demigods: Epic Heroes and Social Change, c. 750–600
B.C.
,” in
Ancient Greece: From the Mycenaean Palaces to the Age of Homer
, ed. S. Deger-Jalkotzy and I. S. Lemos (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2006), 363–79; Pache,
Baby and Child Heroes;
Ekroth,
Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults;
J. Boardman,
The Archaeology of Nostalgia: How the Greeks Re-created Their Mythical Past
(London: Thames and Hudson, 2002); D. Boehringer,
Heroenkulte in Griechenland von der geometrischen bis zur klassischen Zeit: Attika, Argolis, Messenien
(Berlin: Akademie, 2001); A. Mazarakis Ainian, “Reflections on Hero Cults in Early Iron Age Greece,” in Hägg,
Ancient Greek Hero Cult
, 9–36; Antonaccio,
Archaeology of Ancestors;
Larson,
Greek Heroine Cults;
Whitley, “The Monuments That Stood Before Marathon”; D. Boedeker, “Hero Cult and Politics in Herodotus: The Bones of Orestes,” in
Cultural Poetics in Archaic Greece: Cult, Performance, Politics
, ed. C. Dougherty and L. Kurke (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), 164–77; S. E. Alcock, “Tomb Cult and the Post-Classical Polis,”
AJA
95 (1991): 447–67; Kearns,
Heroes of Attica;
J. Whitley, “Early States and Hero Cults: A Re-appraisal,”
JHS
108 (1988): 173–82; M. Visser, “Worship Your Enemy: Aspects of the Cult of Heroes in Ancient Greece,”
HTR
74 (1982): 403–28; A. Snodgrass, “Les origines du culte des héros dans la Grèce antique,” in
La mort: Les morts dans les sociétés anciennes
, ed. G. Gnoli and J.-P. Vernant (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 107–19; H. Abramson, “Greek Hero Shrines” (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1978); J. N. Coldstream, “Hero-Cults in the Age of Homer,”
JHS
96 (1976): 8–17; T. Hadzisteliou-Price, “Hero-Cult and Homer,”
Historia
22 (1973): 129–44; L. R. Farnell,
Greek Hero Cults and Ideas of Immortality
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1921).