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Authors: Aaron Klein
THE
REAL
BENGHAZI STORY
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WHAT
THE
WHITE HOUSE
AND
HILLARY
DON’T WANT YOU TO KNOW
NEW YORK TIMES
BESTSELLING AUTHOR
AARON KLEIN
THE
REAL
BENGHAZI STORY
Copyright © 2014 by Aaron Klein
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Hardcover ISBN: 978-1-936488-86-5 eBook ISBN: 978-1-936488-87-2
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Klein, Aaron.
The real Benghazi story : what the White House and Hillary don’t want you to know /
Aaron Klein.
pages cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-936488-86-5 (hardcover)
1. Benghazi Consulate Attack, Banghazi, Libya, 2012. 2. Benghazi Consulate Attack, Banghazi, Libya, 2012--Political aspects. 3. United States. Special Mission (Banghazi, Libya)--Security measures. 4. Diplomatic and consular service, American--Buildings--Security measures--Libya--Banghazi. 5. Terrorism investigation--Libya--Banghazi. 6. Stevens, John Christopher, -2012--Assassination. 7. Ambassadors--Libya--Banghazi--Death. 8. Embassy buildings--Security measures--United States. I. Title.
HV6433.L75K54 2014
363.32509612--dc23
2014013672
Printed in the United States of America
1: The
Real
“Security” Situation at U.S. Special Mission
2: “Fast and Furious” of the Middle East
3: Why No Special Forces or Air Support Were Sent
4: Ambassador Stevens Kidnapped?
6: The
Real
Reason Benghazi Suspects Not Captured
7: Game Changer: Hillary’s Central, Unreported Role in Benghazi
8: The
Real
Story of Those Pesky Talking Points
9: News Media Snagged in Benghazi Deception
10: From Benghazi to… the Boston Bombing?
Appendix A: Lies and Misleading Claims
Appendix B: Questions for the House Select Committee on Benghazi
Appendix C: Response to
Hard Choices
by Hillary Clinton
T
he most logical way to begin a book about the September 11, 2012, attacks in Benghazi, Libya, is to recount the timeline of the murderous assaults that targeted our U.S. special mission and nearby CIA annex. The Obama administration itself has provided a substantial portion of the publicly known version of events about that fateful night, and this outline was later re-crafted in more detail by a State Department–sanctioned review of the attacks. Key elements of the official chronology, however, have since been contradicted by Benghazi victims and witnesses, while particulars provided by the government have been denied by those who were on the ground inside the doomed facilities, calling into question the entire government narrative about what really transpired.
The White House should have lost all credibility on Benghazi after it was caught deceiving the American public
by claiming the onslaught was the result of popular protests against an obscure anti-Islam film. Within five days of the attack, United Nations ambassador Susan Rice infamously appeared on five morning television programs (on Sunday, September 16, 2012) to push the “spontaneous protest” fiction, claiming the attack was in response to a “hateful video.” Other Obama administration officials made similar claims. Four days after Rice’s disinformation campaign, Obama himself described “natural protests that arose because of the outrage over the video.”
1
It would later emerge that the Obama administration knew from the beginning this was a well-coordinated, well-planned jihadist attack. The United States had surveillance video from the mission that showed no popular protest, while Gregory Hicks, the No. 2 U.S. official in Libya at the time of the September 11, 2012, attacks, testified that he knew immediately the attacks were terror strikes, not a protest turned violent. According to Hicks, “everybody in the mission” believed it was an act of terror “from the get-go.”
2
Numerous other whistle-blowers would later come forward with similar information. Even the CIA’s Libya station chief sent an e-mail to superiors in the aftermath of the attacks, stating that the storming of the compound was “not an escalation of protests.”
3
Of course, we would need to suspend rationality to believe the administration’s original claim of a “spontaneous protest.” Tell me which spontaneous protesters would show up to the site with weapons, erect armed checkpoints surrounding
the compound, and evidence insider knowledge of the facility, while deploying military-style tactics to storm an American mission? Which “spontaneous protesters” would know the exact location of a secretive CIA annex, including specific coordinates that were likely utilized to launch precision mortar strikes? Who even believes “spontaneous” protesters are capable of mounting a fierce, hours-long gun battle with U.S. forces stationed inside the annex?
The “spontaneous protest” claim is just the tip of the Benghazi misinformation iceberg. The State Department released an Accountability Review Board, or ARB, report that provided a timeline of the attacks, an accounting adopted by the Obama administration. The ARB is very specific about what it says happened that night. It claims the initial assault on the U.S. special mission in Benghazi started between 9:45 p.m. and 10:00 p.m. local time and lasted until about midnight, when all but two Americans were evacuated to the CIA annex about a mile away. According to the ARB, at midnight the annex was attacked intermittently for an hour by gunfire and RPGs. The next phase of the attack started at about 5:15 a.m. local time, the ARB claims, describing the second wave of attacks as consisting of heavy mortar and RPG assaults.
4
However, witnesses on the ground, including CIA contractors who were inside the annex, said there was no lull in the fighting at all.
5
The “lull” claim was central to the Obama administration’s explanation for why no air support or special forces were deployed to Benghazi. The White
House and State officials said they believed the attacks to have been over but were later taken by surprise by the continuation of the assaults. The new accounts cast a shadow of uncertainty not only over the timeline provided by the Obama administration but over every claim it made about Benghazi. If the administration lied about a “lull,” how can anything else they told us about the assaults be trusted?
Benghazi witnesses further contradicted another central Obama administration claim. The State Department’s ARB report specifically claims U.S. security personnel inside the compound were armed during the attacks, and the report even details how some security officers retrieved their weapons at the start of the assault. Witnesses, on the other hand, reportedly told a House Intelligence Subcommittee investigating the attacks that “none” of the security officers were armed.
6
And so we see that we must question every aspect of the official narrative while attempting to divine the
real
Benghazi story. So much misinformation and disinformation is floating around about the Benghazi onslaught that to this day many in the mainstream news media continue to wrongly refer to the attacked facility as a “consulate,” when it was something else entirely, as we will investigate.
I start this book by exploring the unprecedented “security” set up at the U.S. special mission. I will provide shocking new details about the withholding of critical protection at the facility while also investigating the mind-blowing decision to hire armed members of the al-Qaeda–linked
February 17 Martyrs Brigade as the official quick reaction force to “protect” the facility – essentially ushering the enemy inside the gates.
We will blow the lid off of the secretive activities transpiring inside the doomed facility, exposing a scheme to arm the jihadist Mideast rebels in what essentially amounts to the Fast and Furious gunrunning scandal of the Middle East, the Iran-Contra of the Obama administration. I will examine how these and other activities, including a separate weapons collection effort, may have been the motivating factor behind the September 11, 2012, assaults in the first place.
In one of the most devastating chapters, we will probe how a nonsensical decision made by Obama himself essentially sabotaged an operation in which Special Forces were just hours from capturing one of the most important terrorist figures charged with carrying out the Benghazi murders. An entire chapter is dedicated to investigating not only jihadist groups but also possible state actors behind the attack.
This book will shed new light on one of the persistent questions plaguing the Obama administration and its military command – why were no Special Forces or air support sent the night of the attacks? Not only will I offer new reasons for the lack of reinforcements, but we will also explore what our special forces were
really
doing the night of the assaults.
Of special interest are the details of what really happened to murdered ambassador Chris Stevens the night of the Benghazi attacks. The official State Department storyline
regarding Stevens’ fate has some glaring, but until now largely unchallenged inconsistencies. Again, this prompts questions about the official version of events. Foremost in our line of inquiry is whether at any point, alive or dead, Stevens was held hostage – and if so, by whom? I will show it is likely that the rebels were in control of Stevens’ body at least for a period that disastrous night. If that was the case, how was the corpse eventually released? Were there negotiations to secure the remains? What promises did we make for Stevens’ body, and to whom? If Stevens’ body were held hostage, why do we not know about it? These details are important in comprehending the scope of the Real Benghazi Story.
Another crucial chapter explores the central role – really, roles – Hillary Clinton played in the Benghazi scandal, from her direct involvement in approving occupancy of the appallingly unsecured U.S. special mission, to the weapons-to-rebels scheme, to the very reason Ambassador Stevens was in the compound on the dangerous anniversary of 9/11. I will document Clinton’s central role in virtually the entire Benghazi story, replete with information indicating she may have perjured herself during sworn testimony.