Read The Spy Who Painted the Queen Online
Authors: Phil Tomaselli
The Spy Who Painted the Queen (10 page)
Thomson then asked De László about a set of family photographs he had sent to Hungary. De László said it was probable they had gone via the legation but didn't remember. Thomson pointed out that the censorship did not allow such things to go through the ordinary post, so they must have gone through the bag to Holland. There was an acknowledgement of receipt of these photos dated 5 August 1917, so surely they must have gone out quite recently? De László fell back on what appears to have been a usual tactic, changing the subject by saying, âI received photographs of my people â snapshots of the family', which must have come to him via the embassy the previous year.
Quite why Thomson should have left it there we don't know, but he suddenly announced that De László could return to Datchet and that the authorities would let him know when he would next be required. No doubt MI5 continued to have him watched and his mail intercepted.
The man heading the MI5 investigation at this time was Major Ernest St George Anson, an officer in the regular army of some experience. Born in 1874 and educated at Clifton College, he had seen extensive service during the Boer War, fighting in the Relief of Ladysmith, at Colenso, Spion Kop, the Tugela Heights, Pieters Hill and Laing's Nek. He had been adjutant of the 3rd Battalion of the East Surreys, and had qualifications in gymnastics, musketry, signalling, cycling and supply. He also spoke French. Having gone to France in January 1915, he was presumably wounded or taken sick at the front and, after a period of recuperation, posted to MI5 in December 1915. He remained in G2 Section (investigation of the bona fides of persons) until December 1919. Whilst senior officers and experienced lawyers sat in on the interrogations, Anson was the man who co-ordinated things behind the scenes. He would have decided the priorities for the investigators, examined new evidence as it came in, and discussed it with Vernon Kell, who had the delicate job of deciding what action to take over a man with so many high-level connections. Basil Thomson, in the meantime, was making more public enquiries among people who had had their portraits painted over the previous couple of years or who knew De László personally.
Thomson contacted various of De László's sitters and obtained a statement from Mrs Wanda Muller regarding his behaviour during the painting of her portrait:
I first went to Mr De László to have my picture painted about September 1915, but the first attempt was a failure. He then wrote to me asking to postpone the sittings for a month or so, as he had several officers to paint who were going to the war.
In October 1915 he started on a second canvas as he was not satisfied with what he had already done, but after one sitting which also failed to please him, he began a third picture.
I had met Mr De László in this country before going to Hungary in 1913 and thought he seemed intelligent with a gift for languages. He took a great interest in politics especially of course in those of his own country Hungary.
The first sitting for the third canvas took place before the end of October, and during the course of the sittings he talked a great deal about Hungary.
At one of the sittings he remarked on British politics and discussed the British policy with regard to Roumania. He criticised the action of the government on this question and also a good deal else in the country, from the point of view of a Hungarian. At another sitting he told me he hated the Servians [
sic
] and that he sincerely hoped that they would soon be wiped off the earth. I replied that it was impossible to admire all our allies equally and it was certainly not the moment to criticise them publicly whatever one's own private opinions might be. It was obvious that he hated the Russians with the intense hatred of a Hungarian. In the end I told him that we had better not discuss politics as there was such flat disagreement between us. He looked upon everything from a Hungarian point of view and I from an English. I cannot remember any details of the conversation I had with Mr De László, but the impression he gave me was that his sympathies were still Hungarian to the backbone. He seemed to me to wish to have it both ways, to retain the advantages of living in England, and when the war came, he could not make up his mind to give up his Hungarian sympathies.
His visits to the different Courts of Europe had obviously turned his head, and he expressed the greatest admiration for the âDivine William' and the King of Greece. On my expressing strong dissent from all his views in regard to the Emperor he exclaimed âWell, anyhow, that is what I think, and you will probably tell everyone that I am a pro-German.' As a matter of fact he did not give me the impression of being a pro-German, but rather what he is, a Hungarian to the backbone, and I did not regard him as loyal Englishman.
Mr László was very indiscreet. He used to tell me what Mr Austen Chamberlain, and Mr Fisher (Lord Fisher's son) and others had told him, but I am unable to remember any details of the conversations. I remember in particular Mr László telling me that he had a conversation on military matters with Major (blanked in original) an officer employed at the War Office. I was very disagreeably impressed at the time, though the conversation may not have been of much importance, as Mr László has told me himself that he sent letters in the Dutch Bag to friends in Hungary. In fact I was so disturbed that I went so far as to ask a mutual friend to warn Major (blanked in original) against talking so openly to Mr De László, as he was to all intents and purposes an enemy alien, and I did not regard him as a loyal British Subject.
Another unnamed sitter (probably Henry Vincent Higgins, a prominent solicitor) was presumably, from the content of the report, someone Thomson briefed in advance. A report dated 8 August 1917 read:
After some time L said suddenly âI am tired of pictures so let us talk about the war.' He then said that England had a glorious opportunity now of making peace. As long as the Russian Empire was intact, she was in great danger, because, with Constantinople and Persia, the Russians would cut her off from her eastern possessions. Now this danger passed, England stood victorious, and could accomplish all her ends. As to America, they did not intend to fight at all. Their object was merely to awaken a military spirit against the time they would have to fight against Mexico and Japan. Informant said these sentiments might have come from mouth of Bernstorff. It struck informant that L was delivering a series of sentiments put into his mouth for propaganda, because he invariably lacked the knowledge to combat arguments on the other side, and did not attempt to do so. It struck him that L was very vain of his accomplishments as a diplomatist and also very shallow, like his pictures.
Informant also tried more than once to bring the conversation round to Holland, and asked L whether he had any friends there, but he drew a blank every time. L did not deny knowing people but he appeared uninterested and uncommunicative.
Thomson also produced a report from another sitter, summarised in the evidence file, a lady whose husband, a civil servant, had reported:
Wife was sitting for L about two years ago (so late summer 1915). L was incessantly talking politics, and supporting the usual Hungarian view that Serbia ought to be wiped out of existence, and that the Russians were the natural enemies of mankind. His political bias was so marked, that at last his sitter had to request that he should not talk politics. It transpired that L was sending letters through the Dutch Legation bag, and (the sitter's husband) thought it right to convey an unofficial warning, both to Mr Van Swinderen and to L, that this was contrary to the Regulations.
On 29 August, De László was again summoned to Scotland Yard, this time for an interrogation regarding the contents of some of his correspondence. The interview was conducted by Basil Thomson, with Vernon Kell sitting in for the first time, and another MI5 officer, Captain Sir Lindsey Smith, in attendance. Smith had only joined MI5 in June 1917, but he had had a formidable legal career, entering Middle Temple in 1889 and getting a first-class scholarship in Common and Criminal Law in1892. He was called to the Bar the same year. He had had long colonial service as president of HM Court of Appeal in East Africa between 1904 and 1909, and as a judge in the Supreme Court, China and Korea. In his youth he had been a useful rugby player for Surrey and the Barbarians.
Presumably this was held in Thomson's office where, by design, the interviewee was seated in a lower chair than his interviewer, which was supposed to put him in an inferior position and make lying harder.
Thomson, who fancied himself as a master interrogator, started with some innocuous questions:
ACC: | I wanted to see you today on matters that have arisen through examination of your papers, because there are some things only you can explain. You know a certain Comte de Soissons? |
PAL: | Comte de Soissons is an art critic and was introduced to me by a colleague. He has been in my studio four or five times and is, I think, rather a fool. When he last dined with me I had Mr Laughlin from the American Embassy and his wife and other guests with me, and he more or less insulted him. I have never seen the man since. |
ACC | There is among your papers a letter from your brother-in-law dated 17 |
PAL: | Mr Kremer? |
ACC | No, Mr Guinness (letter read to him). This implies you put down the origin of the war to the Russians rather than the Germans. |
PAL | Yes, he came very often, and I remember we had a conversation and I said that there was always unrest amongst the Russians and that possibly the Russians were more or less to blame. |
ACC | I think you have always since the outbreak of the war been subject to âRusso-phobia'? |
PAL | I do not know. In 1848 the Hungarians fought for their independence against Austria and Austria was beaten. Then at the last moment, Austria united with Russia and behaved very badly towards them afterwards. |
ACC | Since the war began it has been the current view throughout Hungary that Russia was responsible for the war. |
PAL | Well, I do not know much about that. |
ACC | What was Baron Forster's view? |
PAL | I assure you, Sir, that I have never had any political conversation with Forster. My connection with Forster is absolutely on an artistic footing. |
ACC | Yes, but we know from various things that your view since the beginning of the war has been that the Russians were largely responsible for it. You said so to Mr Guinness. |
PAL | Well, I said it to him, but it is very difficult to say that it is my view because one reads so much and we talk on the war; I give my opinion, but it cannot be taken as a serious matter. |
ACC | No, there is nothing serious about it, I just wanted to get at your views. |
PAL | I must have said that. We were probably having an argument and I naturally took the opposite view. |
ACC | That is also the view of the official German party. The Kaiser has been good enough to tell us more than once. |
PAL | Is that so? I remember once when I was invited to Wilhelmshaven I was very annoyed with the Kaiser. There was a big exhibition at Berlin arranged by Count Sechendorff who was a great friend of mine. There was one picture there, which is now in the National Gallery, by Reynolds, which the Kaiser loved, and he wanted me to paint a full-sized portrait of himself in the same position. I was very annoyed with him because he wanted me to paint in the corner of the picture some emblems â the German Imperial Crown. I said âWhat is the German Imperial Crown?' He was very annoyed at my saying that and said âYou ought to know better than to ask such a question. The German Imperial Crown is in Vienna and should have come to us after 1866, and of course you Hungarians do not like these things because you do not like the Germans at all.' |
ACC | I suppose you preserve the photographs and telegrams with regard to the Kaiser from an historic point of view? |
PAL | Yes. |
ACC | That was one of the studies, was it not (photograph shown)? |
PAL | Yes. |
ACC | I want to run rapidly through one or two little points. You corresponded with and gave money to, I think, three young Hungarians. (Names mentioned.) |
PAL | De Weress is a young gentleman of very good family from the south of Hungary. He came here to study, and when the |
ACC | Did you know De Weress was mixed up with the man named Rawson? |
PAL | Yes, I know that too. Weress came to me several times in great distress saying how badly he had been treated by Mr Hankinson. Hankinson annoyed him very much, but I always told him he must bear it because after all the man had been very nice to him. He met a lady at Hankinson's house and she brought him to that man Rawson and he became absolutely obsessed by Rawson. |
ACC | Then you befriended him at Alexandra Palace by sending him Hungarian newspapers. |
PAL | Yes, I received them through Louis Feldmann who was secretary of the Hungarian Society. When the war broke out he asked if I could help the Hungarians. |
ACC | Was this before or after war had started? |
PAL | Immediately after. Then I helped them. I think I gave altogether £60.00. Weress told me about Czeizner and then I introduced Czeizner to Hankinson. Then Weress was interned. I would like to tell you how I came to visit the Concentration Camp. Weress and my niece met in my house. I always implored him not to go to Rawson. Before he was interned his parents were dining with us and I called him up to my room and asked him again to leave off these things. Then I heard through the girl that the money his parents were sending him was getting more and more reduced and that some law had been made in Hungary that he could only have a certain amount. I said to him âWeress, do not go to that man and I will give you £20 as I hear you are in need of money.' He was very pleased and promised me not to go there again and I said âIf you are in need of money I will give you more.' The next morning we heard he was interned, so my wife, my niece and myself went to see him. To our great astonishment Weissner told us that Weress had been removed to the Isle of Man. Then I made the acquaintance of Weissner and liked him very much and helped him. |
ACC | You subscribed also anonymously to the Council of Loyal British Subjects of German and Hungarian birth? |
PAL | Yes. I did that almost against my will. I had no connection with them, but a man came to me one day with his card and asked for money, and I said, I cannot help you, as I give so much to other charities; but I will give you £10 and no more. |
ACC | You also subscribed to Sokobow, I think. We have a letter from him from the Regent Palace Hotel. |
PAL | It is an old friend who was twenty-five years British Embassy Chaplain. He is a pensioner who comes to our house and he asked me to help do something for the Jews, so I gave him £5 or £10. |
ACC | I think you told me last time that your brother is in business in Pesth. |
PAL | Yes. |
ACC | And you told me he had seen Count Andrassy? |
PAL | Yes, once or twice as I understand from his letters. |
ACC | Why should he have visited him? |
PAL | I understand from his letter he was called by Count Andrassy who knows he is my brother, because I understood from the letter from Forster that he was not quite on my side. They called a meeting, of which Forster was actually the president, but he wrote very little about it. He only mentioned it in the first letter: the one that came through Switzerland. Count Andrassy said âWe cannot decide on taking down his pictures until we hear from him that he only naturalised because war broke out.' Forster and Andrassy are great friends. He evidently invited my brother to give him some explanation as to his naturalisation, for my brother wrote and said âLuckily enough I have found a letter I received from you in which you speak of your naturalisation.' My brother showed him this letter showing that I had had the idea for a long time: Baron Forster must have told him the same thing for when I painted him in 1913 I told him about it and he said to me then âI think anyone in your position would do the same thing.' |
ACC | Now, we have a good deal of experience here in the matter of naturalisation and of course you know that certain people, Baron Schroeder, for instance, were naturalised let us put it, for technical reasons. It was a convenience for them, and perhaps to other people, that they should be described as British subjects. |
PAL | When I applied for naturalisation I never thought of war, then war broke out and I did not think there would be any difficulty. On the second or third day we saw a placard that all Germans not naturalised had to be registered or something of the kind. I said to my wife âIt is very annoying; probably it will come in to Austria-Hungary too.' When I saw that I wrote immediately to Mr McKenna whom I met once, asking why I had not yet received my papers, and I got my naturalisation two or three days later. |
ACC | You never did register as an enemy alien? |
PAL | No. |
ACC | When were you actually naturalised? |
PAL | On the 29th August. |
ACC | That was after the date of the Austrian declaration of war. Then when did you hear that this naturalisation had been looked at in a hostile way in Buda-Pesth? |
PAL | When a man came and visited me in September bringing me a letter of introduction from an old friend of mine. Through that letter I received him and then he went home to Hungary and made trouble, because it came out in the papers that I was naturalised. That was about the end of September 1914 that he took the news to Hungary that I had been naturalised. |
ACC | On the 19th October you received a letter from Madame Van Riemsdyk saying âYour Hungarian friend has not been to see us so far?' Was that the same man? |
PAL | Yes, it must have been. He said he would probably stay in Holland, and I said âIf you go there you can call on the van Riemsdyks.' |
ACC | It was a great shock for you at first that this attack had been made on you in Hungary? |
PAL | It was a very nasty attack. I wrote in that pamphlet that I had always done honour to my native land in the past, and my colleagues ought to have had the consideration to ask me first how I was naturalised. |
ACC | The point at issue was really this, that there was their country actually at war, or on the eve of war, and that one of their countrymen suddenly divested himself of his nationality. |
PAL | But I'm a human being, and it took me two years to decide. |
ACC | What I meant was that the difference between you and the Hungarians was one which there was no getting over, for you cannot explain away to the Hungarians the fact that you did become a British subject. |
PAL | I wrote to Forster and to my brother saying I was going to be naturalised. I love to be English. I want to live in a big world where all art is centralised and where my children were born. |
ACC | You had no interest in Hungary: that is what you wanted to convey to them. |
PAL | I was interested in Hungary and I shall always be very grateful for what I have received there. I had all the honour in Hungary that a man can have. |
ACC | But I suppose you said to yourself when you got naturalised, âI have got all these honours and distinctions in Hungary, they must all go.' |
PAL | No, I never thought of that. |
ACC | I will read you what purports to be a translation of a cutting from âThe Star' dated November 17th 1914 (this was read to him). |
