The State of Jones (59 page)

290
The Piney Woods experienced a lumber boom:
Notes on the Whitfield Community Meeting, “Historical Events in Whitfield,” June 4, 1926, Lauren Rogers Museum, Laurel, Miss.

291
“along the Old Mobile Road”:
Letter from Newton Knight to his brother John, April 3, 1887, the family of John “Jackie” Knight.

291
“you can gess at the balance”:
Letter from Newton Knight to his brother John, April 3, 1887, the family of John “Jackie” Knight.

292
a responsible male provider such as Newton:
Thomas W. Murphy, “From Racist Stereotype to Ethnic Identity: Instrumental Uses of Mormon Racial Doctrine,”
Ethnohistory
46:3 (Summer 1999): 451-80; Paul K. Conkin,
American Originals; Homemade Varieties of Christianity
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997), p. 216.

292
while traveling in Jones County:
William Whitridge Hatch,
When Push Came to Shove: Mormon Martyrs in an Unrelenting Bible Belt, 1831-1923
(Portland, Ore.: Inkwater Press, 2005), pp. 13, 29.

292
recorded Rachel’s baptism in a logbook:
Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Records of the Conference of Southern States Mission, Records of Missionaries, 1867-1888, Record of Admissions, 1878-1886, Historical Record 1842-1886. Knight genealogist and archivist Kenneth Welch originally discovered the records of the conversions of Fannie, Rachel, and Martha Ann, and we thank him and Knight scholar Jim Kelly of Jones County Junior College for sharing the information with us.

293
he joined a new Primitive Baptist church:
Knight,
The Life and Activities of Captain Newton Knight
, pp. 18-19. Tom Knight was in error about the name of the church Newton joined, “Mt. Zora.” No such church seems to have existed. However, he may have joined another Primitive Baptist Church in the area.

293
deeply gratifying to Newton:
Knight,
Mississippi Girl
, pp. 34-35. According to Dorothy Knight Marsh, in an interview with the authors, June 28, 2008, Newton supported Anna and admired her firm conscience, and told her, “Do what you have to do.”

294
massacred twenty-five of them:
Cresswell,
Rednecks, Redeemers and Race
, pp. 62-63, 112.

294
James Z. George organized the political response:
Ibid., pp. 114-15; Wharton,
The Negro in Mississippi
, pp. 210-11.

295
“annoyed by Marsh Cook”:
Wharton,
The Negro in Mississippi
, p. 211.

295
“mother of thirteen children”:
Bynum,
The Free State of Jones
, pp. 159, 272; Rawick,
The American Slave
, supplement, series 1, vol. 10,
Mississippi Narratives
, part 5, interview with Martha Wheeler, pp. 2262-71.

295
he and his men had killed in battle:
Knight,
The Echo of the Black Horn
, p. 255.

296
“just an old Negro woman”:
Testimony from the transcript of
State of Mississippi v. Davis Knight
, 1948, p. 65.

296
he had been more hers:
Author interviews with Barbara Blackledge, March 28, 2008, and Dorothy Knight Marsh, June 28, 2008, great-granddaughters of Rachel and Newton Knight; quotation from Knight,
The Echo of the Black Horn
, p. 45.

297
to comfort and finish rearing:
B. D. Graves, Address to the Hebron Community, June 17, 1926, Lauren Rogers Museum, Laurel, Miss.

297
“separated him from his wife”:
Rawick,
The American Slave
, supplement, series 1, vol. 10, part 5, interview with Martha Wheeler, pp. 2262-71; By-num,
The Free State of Jones
, pp. 206-207.

297
A photograph of Serena:
Photograph found in Bynum,
The Free State of Jones
, p. 156; quotation from Knight,
The Echo of the Black Horn
, p. 285.

298
“do your own judging”:
The account of Fannie’s marriage is from the deposition of Fannie Knight Howze in the case of
Martha Ann Musgrove et al. v. J. R. McPherson et al.
, January 27, 1914, copy in possession of
the authors, courtesy of the family of Harlan McKnight, grandson of Mat Knight. The case was a legal dispute over the estate of Mat Knight. Mat and Fannie’s son, George “Mat” Knight, moved to Texas and changed his name to McKnight and lived the rest of his life as a white man. Harlan McKnight is his son.

298
led the nation in documented hangings:
Cresswell,
Rednecks, Redeemers, and Race
, p. 63.

299
“he struggled so hard”:
Hilton Butler, “Lynch Law in Action,”
The New Republic
67, (July 22, 1931): pp. 256-57.

299
he never won office again:
Cresswell,
Rednecks, Redeemers and Race
, pp. 63-66.

299
Or just the “Knight Niggers”:
U.S. Federal Census, 1900; Bynum,
The Free State of Jones
, p. 144.

301
only education they would receive:
Knight,
Mississippi Girl
, pp. 81-88.

302
“especially by a big young man”:
Knight,
The Life and Activities of Captain Newton Knight
, p. 16.

302
“might want to get revenge”:
M. P. Bush, address to the meeting of the DAR, February 17, 1912, Lauren Rogers Museum, Laurel, Miss.

303
leaning against his shoulder:
Copy of photograph in the files of Martha Welborn, who showed it to the authors.

303
“I’m your grandfather”:
Victoria Bynum’s notes on interview with Florence Blaylock, Olga Watts, Dorothy March, Lois Knight, and Annette Knight, Soso, Mississippi, July 22, 1996, for
The Free State of Jones
, Mississippi Oral History Project, University of Southern Mississippi; also Bynum, Notes on Interview with Yvonne Bevins and Anita Williams, July 4, 1996, for
The Free State of Jones
, Mississippi Oral History Project, University of Southern Mississippi.

303
“purity of womanhood”:
Bynum,
The Free State of Jones
, pp. 143-44, 152, 165-66, 172.

304
Other papers picked up the news:
The Crisis
, June 26, 1919, reprinted the front pages of the
Jackson Daily News
and the
New Orleans Item
.

304
“I want you to drop around”:
Hilton Butler, “Lynch Law in Action,” pp. 256-57.

305
the real cause of the attack:
Bynum,
The Free State of Jones
, p. 165.

305
“Just touch me”:
“Knight Legend Lives On in Mulatto Offspring,”
Clarion-Ledger
, October 6, 1977. The story was told to the newspaper by Vermell Moffett, granddaughter of Mat and Fannie Knight, and great-granddaughter of Newton and Rachel.

305
“In simplicity primeval”:
Frost, “The South’s Strangest Army Revealed by Chief.”

306
“No use stirring up that old quarrel”:
Ibid.

307
so faithfully at night:
Victoria Bynum’s notes on interview with Florence Blaylock, Olga Watts, Dorothy March, Lois Knight, and Annette Knight, Soso, Mississippi, July 22, 1996, for
The Free State of Jones
, Mississippi Oral History Project, University of Southern Mississippi.

308
the birth date was probably wrong:
On the 1900 U.S. Federal Census, Newton Knight gave his year of birth as 1837. All of the available documentary evidence conforms to this date, save for his headstone, according to Bynum.

309
“Knight ruined his life”:
“Passing of Newt Knight,”
Ellisville Progress
, Thursday, March 16, 1922.

308
Newton was not at rest:
Knight’s marker has a fraught history, as does Rachel’s. On one occasion in the 1970s, Knight’s stone disappeared, only to reappear a short time later. On another occasion Rachel’s marker was actually placed
closer
to Knight’s, according to Barbara Blackledge, great-granddaughter of Newton and Rachel Knight, who was interviewed by the authors March 28, 2008, Ellisville, Miss. Blackledge personally retrieved Rachel’s tombstone from one thief who claimed he wanted to clean it. The notion that Knight’s stone was moved to separate him from Rachel persists among some members of the Knight family. Others, including Blackledge, believe it is accurately placed.

308
to an uncle’s home:
Bynum,
The Free State of Jones
, p. 173.

309
“It was just hurt”:
Authors’ interview with Barbara Knight Blackledge, March 28, 2008. Blackledge is a Knight on both sides; her father Lacy was the son of Charley Knight, one of Jeff and Molly’s sons. Her mother Idell was a daughter of Hinchie Knight, the youngest of Rachel’s children. Blackledge grew up in a racial netherworld on the old Knight property, midwived, without a birth certificate, and frustrated by her lack of formal schooling after the third grade. “I might as well be alien, I fell from the sky,” she says. She finally got her GED when she was forty years old. She also received her master’s degree and is now a licensed social worker in Jones County.

309
who their grandparents were:
Authors’ telephone interview with Catharine McKnight, wife of the late Harlan McKnight, son of George Monroe Knight, April 29, 2008.

309
Some never knew they were Knights:
“Knight Legend Lives On in Mulatto Offspring,”
Clarion-Ledger
, October 6, 1977.

309
the crime of miscegenation:
The term “miscegenation” entered the English language in late 1863 as part of the Democratic campaign against Abraham Lincoln’s Republican Party. Copperhead Democrats, many of whom received support from Confederates, attacked the Emancipation Proclamation, arguing that Lincoln and his party had turned the war into a “nigger crusade” that would lead to blood mixing and the mongrelization of the white race. Shortly before Christmas 1863, a Democratic editor issued a seventy-two-page pamphlet entitled
Miscegenation: The Theory of the Blending of the Races, Applied to the American White Man and Negro.
It passed as scholarship. Attacking Republicans for advocating miscegenation proved a powerful weapon for the Democrats in the 1864 campaign. McClellan might well have won had not Sherman’s victory in Atlanta convinced Northerners that the war would soon be over. For sources see Sidney
Kaplan, “The Miscegenation Issue in the Election of 1864,” in
American Studies in Black and White: Selected Essays
(Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1991), pp. 47-100; Elise Virginia Lemire,
“Miscegenation”: Making Race in America
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002); Werner Sollors,
Neither White nor Black but Both: Thematic Explorations of Interracial Literature
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), pp. 285-335; Peter Wallenstein, “Reconstruction, Segregation and Miscegenation: Interracial Marriage and the Law in the Lower South, 1865-1900,”
American Nineteenth Century History
6:1 (March, 2002): 5776; Walter Wadlington, “The Loving Case: Virginia’s Anti-Miscegenation Statute in Historical Perspective,”
Virginia Law Review
52:7 (November 1966): 1189-223.

310
County police arrested him:
“The Children’s Children,”
Time
, December 27, 1948.

311
“white Southern men will not tolerate”:
Miscegenation laws specifically opposed marriages and sexual relationships between white women and black men. Such relationships threatened racial “purity” of the white woman, on which white supremacy depended. It was all too common for white men to have sex with black women, and thus “mix blood,” but the offspring were defined as blacks and not acknowledged as kin of the white man. Some white Southern men were even proud of such practices. One Mississippi planter, running for the state senate before the Civil War, canvassed for votes by bringing with him a black girl named Sal and an “ample supply” of whiskey and tobacco so that voters could “choose” among these “creature comforts.” “That did the business for me,” the planter recalled; “I was the first Whig Senator ever sent to the legislature from this county.” The tradition that treated black women as objects of sexual pleasure for white men persisted through most of the twentieth century. See Morgan,
Yazoo
, pp. 33-34.

311
attended his funeral:
A Current Biography
, 1943 (New York: H. W. Wilson, 1943), pp. 47-50.

312
“Folks call them ‘The Knight Negroes’”:
Transcript of
State of Mississippi v. Davis Knight
.

314
“He was a thoroughbred”:
Ibid.

314
He drowned in a fishing accident:
“Knight Legend Lives On in Mulatto Offspring,”
Clarion-Ledger
, October 6, 1977.

315
in order to preserve segregation:
Report of Mississippi Sovereignty Commissioner Erle Johnston Jr. on the case of Louvenia Knight Williamson, December 12, 1963
, MDAH.

315
“How can you hate something that’s in you?”:
Authors’ telephone interview with Kecia Carter, granddaughter of Henry Knight, son of Mat and Fannie Knight, April 8, 2008.

315
“We’ll all die guerillas”:
“Knight Legend Lives On in Mulatto Offspring,”
Clarion-Ledger
, October 6, 1977.

For more than a hundred years, Newton Knight and his army of Southern Unionists have been seen as stains on the fabric of the white South and its reverence for the Lost Cause. This is because the history of Jones County explodes two central beliefs about the Confederacy: that white Southerners were
united
in their efforts to form a new democratic nation; and that they accepted defeat nobly and heroically. Newton Knight and his comrades reveal a different, darker side of the Confederacy—a deeply divided nation, especially along class lines, that more closely resembled a totalitarian state than a democracy.

From the perspective of Newton and Rachel Knight (and other Southern Unionists), the South
won
the war. Rebels did not surrender at Appomattox in any meaningful way. Instead, they returned home, continued terrorizing their enemies, and thwarted Unionist efforts to remake society in the image of freedom and equality under the law. By 1876, Northerners lost the will to fight, and former rebels preserved an old order that kept blacks unfree for another one hundred years.

In essence, the true history of Newton Knight constituted a nightmare vision for white Southerners. Here was a man who, John Brown-like, forged intimate alliances with blacks, treated them with dignity and respect, and tried to destroy slavery.

As a result, for more than a hundred years, white Southerners have sanitized and revised the story of Newton and Rachel Knight in order to accommodate their faith in a noble Lost Cause.

The first history of Jones County’s Unionists, G. Norton Galloway’s “A Confederacy Within a Confederacy,”
Magazine of American History
16 (July-December 1886): 387-90, began a tradition that horribly blurred fact and fiction. It contains numerous errors, including Newton’s name (whom Galloway refers to as Nathan).

Five years later, in 1891, the Northern-born Harvard historian Albert Bushnell Hart argued with prescient insight that Jones County and other Southern Unionists, together with blacks, contributed to the South’s defeat. See Hart, “Why the South Was Defeated in the Civil War,”
New England Magazine
11:3 (November 1891): 363-76.

Lost Cause advocates vigorously refuted Hart’s arguments, denying any noteworthy opposition to the Confederacy in Jones County or elsewhere in Mississippi. This historical assault on Newton Knight and his guerrillas persisted throughout the twentieth century, typified by the influential essay by Goode Montgomery, “Alleged Secession of Jones County,”
Publications of the Mississippi Historical Society
8 (1904): 13-22. Montgomery’s article is featured on the Jones County Web site at
http://www.natchezbelle.org/ahgp-ms/jones/secession1.htm
.

In the Great Depression, Newton Knight’s son Thomas Knight privately published the first biography of his father and the Jones County Scouts: Thomas J. Knight,
The Life and Activities of Captain Newton Knight and His Company and the Free State of Jones
(Ellisville, Miss.: printed by the Progress Item, © 1934), copies at New York Public Library and Mississippi Department of Archives and History. Thomas characterizes Newton as a Robin Hood who seceded from the state and fought the Confederacy with a band of fellow deserters, but he ignores Newton’s relationships with Rachel Knight and other blacks. Nevertheless, neo-Confederates discredited his story.

During World War II, the Mississippi journalist James Street published a novel based on Newton’s company of Unionists:
Tap Roots
(New York: The Book League of America, 1942). Street, who grew up in Laurel, Mississippi, read deeply in the available sources
and interviewed people from Jones County for his book. He wrote a sympathetic and in some respects stunningly accurate account of Newton and Jones County Unionism.

Street’s protagonist Hoab Dabney is loosely based on Newton, while Hoab’s adopted daughter, Kyd, resembles Rachel Knight: she is part Indian and black and is treated as an equal member of Hoab’s family. Like Newton, Hoab is a deeply religious “shouting abolitionist” who abstains from alcohol and fights to preserve the Union and end slavery (p. 30). Street casts Hoab as the John Brown of the South, partly as a way to give Southern Unionists credit for their role in ending slavery. “John Brown tried to lead the slaves in armed rebellion…. I will free them,” Hoab declares (p. 397). He liberates his county of Lebanon, Mississippi, from the Confederacy and establishes “The Free State of Lebanon” (p. 392). But unlike Newton, Hoab is not committed to racial equality: he prohibits blacks from settling in Lebanon and treats his black friends as children rather than equals.

In 1948
Tap Roots
was adapted into a film starring Susan Hay-ward and Van Heflin. It is a sanitized version of the novel (and of Newton Knight and the South), ignoring slavery as the cause of the war and purging Hoab of his antislavery sympathies. In the film, Hoab is an educated newspaperman who organizes poor farmers against misguided Confederates. The only non-white character is a Choctaw named Tishomingo, a noble savage who befriends Hoab’s family and embodies the Southern ideals of agrarian freedom and individualism.

After Newton and Rachel’s great-grandson Davis Knight was put on trial for miscegenation in 1948, it became impossible to ignore blacks in Newton’s story. In the wake of the trial, Ethel Knight, Newton’s grandniece, published
The Echo of the Black Horn
(1951; reprinted, York, Penn.: The Maple-Vail Book Manufacturing Group, 2003). She describes how Tom Knight, now “old and shaken with palsy,” finally confronts the “horrible truth” about his father. Newton was no Robin Hood but a cowardly deserter, murderer, and madman
who disgraced his family and contaminated his bloodline by succumbing to the Jezebel Rachel and treating her as his wife. Ethel dedicates
The Echo of the Black Horn
to “the memory of the Noble Confederates who lived and died for Jones County.” Despite its flaws, it constitutes the most extensive oral history of Newton and Rachel Knight.

The following year, a much more reliable though brief account of Newton and Rachel Knight was published by Rachel’s granddaughter Anna Knight, who became a renowned Seventh-Day Adventist missionary. Anna describes her childhood in Jones County in her autobiography,
Mississippi Girl
(Nashville: Southern Publishing Association, 1952).

Since the 1980s, two scholarly accounts of Jones County Unionism during the Civil War have been published. Rudy H. Leverett, the great-grandson of Amos McLemore, the Confederate officer killed by Newton and his comrades, vigorously denies that Jones County Scouts communicated with Union soldiers, pledged allegiance to the Union, or aided other farmers. He portrays Newton as a common thief, deserter, and murderer and asserts that although some Jones County farmers remained “loyal to the United States,” this did not make them “disloyal to the Confederacy” (p. 125). It is an absurd statement, since loyalty to the Confederacy meant being a traitor to the United States. In his quest to redeem the Confederacy and his ancestor’s death, Leverett ignores slavery and blacks. See Rudy H. Leverett,
Legend of the Free State of Jones
(Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1984).

Victoria E. Bynum was the first person, in 2001, to write against this neo-Confederate tradition. A descendant of one of Newton’s comrades, Bynum spent years researching her book; and her scholarly monograph,
The Free State of Jones: Mississippi’s Longest Civil War
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001), offers a social history of Jones County from 1820 to Davis Knight’s trial in 1948. We have been deeply influenced by Bynum’s book and notes and transcripts of interviews at the University of Southern Mississippi,
and we are indebted to her research. Given its scope, however, she devotes only about fifty pages to the Civil War and Reconstruction, and she does not connect Jones County to the larger network of deserters and Unionism in Southern Mississippi.

These revisions of Jones
County events parallel the histories of the Civil War that continue (often subtly) to redeem the Confederacy by ignoring the role of blacks and Southern Unionists. In a recent popular history of the Confederacy, the distinguished scholar and Southerner Gary W. Gallagher, in
The Confederate War
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1997), argued that the vast majority of white Southerners “waged a determined struggle for independence” and “steadfastly supported their nascent republic” (pp. 3 and 17). Another eminent Southern-bred scholar of the Civil War era, David Herbert Donald, asserted in an influential essay that the Confederacy lost because it was
too
democratic. See
“Died of Democracy”: Why the North Won the Civil War
(1960; reprint, New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996), pp. 81-92. Though not by any means the
only
interpretations of the Confederacy, Gallagher’s and Donald’s arguments remain dominant in the American imagination.

The State of Jones
is the first comprehensive narrative and popular history of Newton Knight and his band of Unionists in Southern Mississippi during the Civil War and Reconstruction. It draws on a cache of new evidence, including recently discovered depositions, oral interviews with Rachel Knight’s descendants, and overlooked wartime documents that capture the lived experience at the time.

Our story focuses on the two areas of Civil War studies that have been among the most neglected by scholars: deserters, and the large numbers of Southern Unionists. In reconstructing the lives of Southern dissidents, and the blacks who fought with them against the Confederacy, we offer an alternative history of the South. Encompassing extraordinary feats of courage, determination, and principled action, it is a story that Americans can be justly proud of.

———

The historiography of Southern
Unionism is comparatively sparse. A few Mississippi historians have drawn attention to Unionism in Jones County: John K. Bettersworth,
Confederate Mississippi: The People and Policies of a Cotton State in Wartime
(Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1943); John K. Bettersworth, ed.,
Mississippi in the Confederacy: As They Saw It
(Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1961); John K. Bettersworth, ed.,
Mississippi in the Confederacy: As Seen in Retrospect
(Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1961); and M. Shannon Mallard, “‘I Had No Comfort to Give the People’: Opposition to the Confederacy in Civil War Mississippi,” in
North & South
6:4 (May 2003): 79-86. Mallard, a doctoral student at Mississippi State University who died tragically before completing his dissertation, argued that by early 1865, Jones County was the center of a Union stronghold extending throughout southern Mississippi, roughly one-third of the state.

For narratives (primary and secondary) of Southern Unionism and desertion outside of the Piney Woods, Mississippi, see William Baxter,
Pea Ridge and Prairie Grove, or, Scenes and Incidents of the War in Arkansas
, ed. William L. Shea (1864; reprint, Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 2000); Thomas Cockrell and Michael B. Ballard, eds.,
Chickasaw: A Mississippi Scout for the Union: The Civil War Memoir of Levi H. Naron, as Recounted by R. W. Surby
(1865; reprint, Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2005); John H. Aughey,
The Iron Furnace: or, Slavery and Secession
(1865; reprint, New York: Negro Universities Press, 1969); John H. Aughey,
Tupelo
(Lincoln, Neb.: E. Journal Company, 1888); Ella Lonn,
Desertion During the Civil War
(1928; reprint, Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998); Georgia Lee Tatum,
Disloyalty in the Confederacy
(1934; reprint, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999); Charles W. Ramsdell,
Behind the Lines in the Southern Confederacy
(1944; reprint, Baton Rouge: Louisiana State
University Press, 1997); John Roy Lynch,
Reminiscences of an Active Life: The Autobiography of John Roy Lynch
, ed. John Hope Franklin (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970); Phillip S. Paludan,
Victims: A True Story of the Civil War
(Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1981); Carl N. Degler,
The Other South: Southern Dissenters in the Nineteenth Century
(Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1982); Daniel W. Crofts,
Reluctant Confederates: Upper South Unionists in the Secession Crisis
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1989); Wayne K. Durrill,
War of Another Kind: A Southern Community in the Great Rebellion
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Richard N. Current,
Lincoln’s Loyalists: Union Soldiers from the Confederacy
(Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1992); Joseph T. Glatthaar,
Forged in Battle: The Civil War Alliance of Black Soldiers and White Officers
(Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2000); Joseph T. Glatthaar, “Black Glory: The African-American Role in Union Victory,” in
Why the Confederacy Lost
, ed. Gabor S. Boritt (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992); Jon L. Wakelyn, ed.,
Southern Unionist Pamphlets and the Civil War
(Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1999); John C. Inscoe and Robert C. Kenzer, eds.,
Enemies of the Country: New Perspectives on Unionists in the Civil War South
(Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2001); William C. Davis,
Look Away! A History of the Confederate States of America
(New York: The Free Press, 2002); Margaret M. Storey,
Loyalty and Loss: Alabama’s Unionists in the Civil War and Reconstruction
(Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2004); William W. Freehling,
The South vs. the South: How Anti-Confederate Southerners Shaped the Course of the Civil War
(New York: Oxford University Press, 2001); William W. Freehling,
The Road to Disunion
, vol. 2:
Secessionists Triumphant, 1854-1861
(New York: Oxford University Press, 2007); James M. McPherson,
This Mighty Scourge: Perspectives on the Civil War
(New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 43-50.