143
. Prestowitz,
Three Billion New Capitalists
, p. 137.
145
. Shenkar,
The Chinese Century
, p. 113.
146
. Gary Clyde Hufbauer and Yee Wong, ‘Prospects for Regional Free Trade in Asia’, working paper, Institute for International Economics, Washington, DC , October 2005, p. 4; Prestowitz,
Three Billion New Capitalists
, p. 226.
147
. Yu Yongding, ‘China’s Rise, Twin Surplus and the Change of China’s Development Strategy’, pp. 26-30.
148
. ‘China’s Reserves Near Milestone’,
Wall Street Journal
, 17 October 2006.
149
. Andrew Batson, ‘China May Get More Daring With Its $1.07 Trillion Stash’,
Wall Street Journal
, 15 February 2007.
150
. ‘China Money Trouble: Where to Park It All’,
International Herald Tribune
, 6 March 2007.
151
. ‘China Voices Alarm at Dollar Weakness’,
Financial Times
, 19 November 2007; Keith Bradsher, ‘Rising Cost of Buying US Debt Puts Strain on China’s Economy’,
International Herald Tribune
, 4 September 2008.
152
. Also, Lex, ‘China and Fannie Mae’,
Financial Times
, 17 July 2008.
153
. ‘China Acts to Become Huge Global Investor’,
International Herald Tribune
, 10-11 March 2007.
154
. ‘Beijing to Take $3bn Gamble on Blackstone’,
Financial Times
, 18 May 2007.
155
. ‘China’s Two Trillion Dollar Question’, editorial,
Financial Times
, 11 September 2008.
156
. For a broader view of the rise of such funds, see Martin Wolf, ‘The Brave New World of State Capitalism’,
Financial Times
, 16 October 2007.
157
. ‘China Aids Barclays on ABN Amro’,
Financial Times
, 23 July 2007; ‘The Chinese Bank Plan is One to Watch’,
Financial Times
, 23 July 2007.
158
. ‘Bear Stearns in Landmark China Deal’,
Financial Times
, 22 October 2007.
159
. ‘Chinese Banks Seek Stake in StanChart’,
Financial Times
, 18 November 2007. Earlier in 2007, the Bank of China was reported as being interested in acquiring a US bank; ‘Bank of China Seeking US Acquisition Targets’,
South China Morning Post
, 22 January 2007.
160
. Wang Zhengyi, ‘Conceptualising Economic Security and Governance’, p. 541.
161
. Elizabeth Economy, ‘China, the United States and the World Trade Organization’, Council on Foreign Relations, Washington, DC, 3 July 2002, pp. 1-4; Shen Boming, ‘The Challenges Ahead: China’s Membership in WTO’, 2002, available to download from
www.cap.lmu.de/transatlantic/download/Shen_Boming.doc
, p. 7; Shenkar,
The Chinese Century
, pp. 167-8; Yu Yong Ding, ‘The Interactions between China and the World Economy’, pp
.
4-5
.
162
. ‘China Tackles Tainted Food Crisis’, ‘Scandal-hit China Food Firms Shut’, ‘Chinese-made Toys Recalled in US’ and ‘Bush Tackles Scares over Imports’, all posted at
www.bbc.co.uk/news
; ‘US Trade Body Sets Stage for Action on Beijing “Sub-sidies”’,
South China Morning Post
, 18 December 2006: ‘Mattel Apologises to “the Chinese People”’,
Financial Times
, 21 September 2007; ‘Beijing Overhauling Food Safety Controls’,
International Herald Tribune
, 7 June 2007.
163
. Wang Zhengyi, ‘Conceptualising Economic Security and Governance’, p. 541.
164
.
AsiaInt.com
,
Economist Intelligence Review
, October/November 2006, pp. 1-5; and Martin Jacques, ‘The Death of Doha’,
Guardian
, 13 July 2006.
165
. Kynge,
China Shakes the World
, pp. 72, 78-82.
166
. In its projections for 2020, the World Bank suggests that the developed world will continue to be a net beneficiary of China’s rise because of the latter’s demands for its capital-intensive manufactured products together with services, and because of the significant terms of trade gains that will accrue from its growing demand for these products. But they will continue to lose out in labour-intensive manufactured products as China moves up the value-added chain. Countries that are close competitors of China - like India, Indonesia and the Philippines - will probably still benefit, but they will find the prices of their major exports falling; while less developed countries which are not endowed with natural resources will find China’s continued growth having a relatively neutral economic effect at best. See World Bank,
China Engaged: Integration with the Global Economy
(Washington, DC: 1997), pp. 29-35.
167
. Kynge,
China Shakes the World
, pp. 118-20.
168
. Thomas L. Friedman, ‘Democrates and China’,
International Herald Tribune
, 11-12 November 2006; ‘G7 Calls for Stronger Chinese Yuan’, posted on
www.bbc.co.uk/news
.
7 A CIVILIZATION-STATE
1
. James Mann,
The China Fantasy: How Our Leaders Explain Away Chinese Repression
(New York: Viking, 2007), pp. 1-7.
2
. James Kynge,
China Shakes the World: The Rise of a Hungry Nation
(London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 2006), p. 203; and Julia Lovell,
The Great Wall: China against the World 1000 BC
-
AD 2000
(London: Atlantic Books, 2006), pp. 30 and 27.
3
. Lucian W. Pye,
The Spirit of Chinese Politics
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992), pp. 207, 212-17.
4
. Wang Gungwu, ‘Early Ming Relations with Southeast Asia: A Background Essay’, in John King Fairbank, ed.,
The Chinese World Order: Traditional China’s Foreign Relations
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968), p. 61.
5
. Cited in Zheng Yongnian,
Will China Become Democratic?: Elite, Class and Regime Transition
(Singapore: EAI, 2004), p. 81.
6
. Huang Ping, ‘“Beijing Consensus”, or “Chinese Experiences”, or What?’, unpublished paper, 2005, p. 6.
7
. Tu Wei-ming,
The Living Tree: The Changing Meaning of Being Chinese Today
(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994), pp. 3-4.
8
. Daniel A. Bell and Hahm Chaibong, eds,
Confucianism for the Modern World
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), p. 1.
9
. Wang Gungwu,
The Chineseness of China: Selected Essays
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), pp. 2-3.
10
. Peter Nolan,
China at the Crossroads
(Cambridge: Polity Press, 2004), p. 154.
11
. Interview with Huang Ping, Beijing, 10 December 2005.
12
. Tu Wei-ming,
The Living Tree
, p. 17.
13
. Howard Gardner,
To Open Minds
(New York: BasicBooks, 1989), p. 269; also pp. 13-14, 150, 217. Pye,
The Spirit of Chinese Politics
, pp. 94-5. Given that calligraphy, the drawing and reproducing of characters, forms the basis of Chinese art, it is unsurprising that it is of a quite different content and style to Western art. Which, one might ask, is the better system? Howard Gardner, the American educationalist, argues that both have their strengths. The point that needs stressing here, though, is the fundamental difference between the two and their deep historical and cultural roots; in the light of this, we should not expect to witness any serious pattern of convergence. Gardner argues: ‘It [is] disastrous to inject - unexamined - our notions of education, progress, technology into alien cultural contexts: it [is] far more timely to understand these alternative conceptions on their own terms, to learn from them if possible, and for the most part to respect (rather than to tamper with) their assumptions and their procedures.’ Gardner,
To Open Minds
, p.118.
14
. Interview with Huang Ping, Beijing, 10 December 2005; Huang Ping, ‘“Bei jing Consensus”, or “Chinese Experiences”, or What?’, p. 7.
15
. Wang Gungwu,
The Chineseness of China
, p. 2.
16
. Diana Lary, ‘Regions and Nation: The Present Situation in China in Historical Context’,
Pacific Affairs
, 70: 2 (Summer 1997), p. 182.
17
. Tu Wei-ming,
The Living Tree
, p. 4.
18
. Also, Shi Anbin, ‘Mediating Chineseness: Identity Politics and Media Culture in Contemporary China’, in Anthony Reid and Zheng Yangwen, eds,
Negotiating Asymmetry: China’s Place in Asia
(Singapore: NUS Press, 2009), p. 13.
19
. Lucian W. Pye, ‘Chinese Democracy and Constitutional Development’, in Fumio Itoh, ed.,
China in the Twenty-first Century: Politics, Economy, and Society
(Tokyo: United Nations University Press, 1997), p. 209.
20
. Pye,
The Spirit of Chinese Politics
, p. 235.
21
. William A. Callahan,
Contingent States: Greater China and Transnational Relations
(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2004), pp. 81, 109.
22
. Pye, ‘Chinese Democracy and Constitutional Development’, pp. 208-10; and Pye,
The Spirit of Chinese Politics
, pp. 209-10.
23
. David S. G. Goodman and Gerald Segal,
China Rising: Nationalism and Interdependence
(London: Routledge, 1997), pp. 32,44-5.
25
. Pye, ‘Chinese Democracy and Constitutional Development’, pp. 209-10.
26
. Minxin Pei recounts a classic example of this concerning Hubei province and former Premier Zhu Rongji. See his ‘How One Political Insider is Using His Influence to Push Rural Reforms’,
South China Morning Post
, 2 January 2003.
27
. Zheng Yongian,
Will China Become Democratic?
, p. 329.
28
. Pye,
The Spirit of Chinese Politics
, p. 209.
29
. Zheng Yongnian,
Discovering Chinese Nationalism in China
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 30-33, 40-41.
30
. Pye,
The Spirit of Chinese Politics
, pp. 13-14, 17.
32
. Pye, ‘Chinese Democracy and Constitutional Development’, pp. 210-13.
33
. Ibid., pp. 28-9, 76, 80, 87-8, 91, 94-6, 100.
34
. Interview with Huang Ping, Beijing, 10 December 2005.
35
. Zheng Yongnian,
Discovering Chinese Nationalism in China
, p. 22.
37
. Pye,
The Spirit of Chinese Politics
, p. 236.
38
. Callahan,
Contingent States
, pp. 154, 158-9.
40
. Cited in Zheng Yongnian,
Will China Become Democratic?
, p. 33. Also Suisheng Zhao,
A Nation-State by Construction
(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004), pp. 226-7.
41
. In the words of a leading government advisor, Fang Ning: ‘China will have a future only if it maintains stability.’ Interview with Fang Ning, Beijing, 7 December 2005.
42
. The average ranking for other countries was 23; 2003 Roper Survey of Global Attitude, cited in Joshua Cooper Ramo,
The Beijing Consensus
(London: The Foreign Policy Centre, 2004), p. 23.
43
. Nolan,
China at the Crossroads
, pp. 73-5.
44
. Mao himself offers an interesting angle on this question. While he delivered a new period of stability, he was always tempted to plunge the country into a new period of instability, as in the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution.
45
. Martin Jacques, ‘Democracy Isn’t Working’,
Guardian
, 22 June 2004.
46
. Zheng Yongnian,
Will China Become Democratic?
, p. 36.
47
. Nolan,
China at the Crossroads
, p. 67.
48
. Interview with Zhu Wenhui, Beijing, 20 November 2005.
49
. Bruce Gilley,
China’s Democratic Future: How It Will Happen and Where It Will Lead
(New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), p. 246.
50
. See, for example, Lee Kuan Yew interview, April 2004, in Ramo,
The Beijing Consensus
, pp. 62-3.
51
. Pye,
The Spirit of Chinese Politics
, p. 15.
52
. The nearest example is the United Nations.
53
. ‘Shenzhen Officials to Adopt New Mindset’,
South China Morning Post
, 10 March 2008.
54
. Zheng Yongnian,
Will China Become Democratic?
, pp. 79-80.
55
. The characteristics of the major Western countries that helped to shape their democracies include, amongst other things, that they were the first to industrialize, had colonial possessions and were relatively ethnically homogeneous.
56
. Karel van Wolferen,
The Enigma of Japanese Power: People and Politics in a Stateless Nation
(New York: Vintage, 1990), Chapters 1-3, 5, 8, 16.
57
. Pye,
The Spirit of Chinese Politics
, p. ix.
58
. Bell and Chaibong,
Confucianism for the Modern World
, pp. 7, 356-9, 368.
59
. Zhao,
A Nation-State by Construction
, pp. 228-9.
60
. Callahan,
Contingent States
, p. 41.
61
. 1 February 2001, quoted in Zheng Yongnian,
Will China Become Democratic?
, p. 95; also Callahan,
Contingent States
, pp. 31-2.