Winnie Mandela (45 page)

‘He who allows oppression, shares the crime.’

– Erasmus Darwin, grandfather
of Charles Darwin

 

F
ROM THE MOMENT
of her birth, the reality of Winnie's life acted as a foil to expectation. She was the daughter who should have been a son; the highly visible activist who should have been a demure and dutiful spouse; the tragic heroine who should have been an ingénue; the ex-wife who should have been First Lady.

She had long since shed the cocoon of Winnie Madikizela from Bizana, the unassuming, statuesque beauty who arrived in eGoli with her luggage balanced on her head, and emerged from four decades in the chrysalis of Winnie Mandela, consort to a god-man, as an icon in her own right, melding all the stages of her development into the person who would henceforth be known as Winnie Madikizela-Mandela.

If the ANC, or Nelson Mandela's advisers, had hoped that divorce would put an end to her uncanny knack for stealing the headlines, they would learn, soon enough, that cutting her adrift was no more the way to confront ‘the Winnie factor' than the security police's relentless campaign of harassment had been. Still, Winnie was officially on her own now at a time when she was sorely in need of support.

Exhaustive studies by the World Health Organisation emphasise that victims of trauma and injustice cannot heal until justice is seen to be done. Mandela understood that it was crucial to deal with the loss and anguish of those who suffered most under apartheid, and that the horror of South Africa's recent past could not simply be dismissed as bygones. Ideally, the ANC government had to find ways of dispensing justice to those responsible for torture, persecution and death that would not paralyse the court system for decades, or undermine the fragile peace and stability of post-1994 South Africa.

The result was the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), launched in February 1996. The principle of a qualified amnesty had been agreed during multiparty negotiations leading up to the first democratic elections, and the TRC was a compromise between the National Party's proposed blanket amnesty for all members of the apartheid government and its security forces, and the ANC's determination to expose the full horror of the past. It would offer a quasi-judicial forum where
victims could expose their suffering and perpetrators could seek amnesty from prosecution, provided they could persuade a panel of judges that their actions – including murder – had been politically motivated, and on condition that they disclosed the full, unvarnished facts, no matter who else might be implicated.

The mechanisms of the TRC were controversial on both sides of the political spectrum. Many black people considered the process far too lenient in relation to the misery and loss they had suffered, while most whites, and especially serving and former members of the military, saw it as a witch-hunt. In the end, self-confessed killers
did go
free, but there were also remarkable instances of genuine reconciliation between former enemies, and although the final report fell far short of being a complete chronicle of apartheid's history and legacy, it did fill in many of the gaps previously shielded from public scrutiny by legislation, cover-ups and lies.

Mandela appointed Archbishop Desmond Tutu as chairman of the TRC, underlining the intention of forgiveness rather than revenge. Misgivings about and harsh criticism of what was seen as the vociferous anti-apartheid churchman's inherent bias in favour of the government were largely allayed by his threat to resign unless former members of the liberation struggle also availed themselves of the opportunity to disclose acts committed in the name of their ‘just' war, especially those that took the lives of civilians or their own comrades.

By 1997, Mandela started looking at who would succeed him. He had made it clear that he intended serving only one term as president, and Thabo Mbeki had long been groomed to lead both the ANC and the country from 1999. As deputy president, Mandela favoured Bantu Holomisa, who had overthrown the Matanzima government in the Transkei in a military coup. The ANC leadership was thus thrown into disarray when it became clear that Winnie was positioning herself for election to the crucial No. 2 post on the ANC's national executive. Had it not been for recurring allegations during TRC hearings of her involvement in the murders of Stompie Seipei, Dr Abu-Baker Asvat and others, she might well have mustered enough popular support to fulfil her ambition.

But in September 1997, the BBC screened a sensational television documentary, subsequently also shown in South Africa, called
Katiza's Journey
. After disappearing in 1991 when he jumped bail while awaiting trial in the Stompie Seipei case, Katiza Cebekhulu made a spectacular reappearance through the TV programme and in a book by British journalist Fred Bridgland. For the first time, Cebekhulu was uncloaked as a police informer, who had provided an eyewitness account of Winnie stabbing Stompie with a sharp object. It was also claimed that Nelson Mandela had personally arranged for Katiza to be deported to the Zambian capital Lusaka, where his British benefactor, Lady Emma Nicholson, discovered him in jail.

The TRC could not ignore the numerous accusations against Winnie, and
she was subpoenaed to appear at an
in camera
hearing of the Human Rights Violations Committee. She demanded a public hearing in order to clear her name before the ANC's national conference in December, where the future office bearers would be elected. The TRC had no way of knowing what Winnie might reveal or claim in her bid to present herself as a suitable candidate for a senior ANC position, and decided to go ahead with
in camera
sessions on 26 September and 13 October, followed by a public hearing on 24 November, at which she would be afforded the opportunity to respond to the accusations against her.

The cases that drew the most attention were those involving the disappearance of Lolo Sono and the deaths of Stompie and Dr Asvat. Officially called to investigate the activities of the Mandela United Football Club, the hearings were quickly dubbed ‘the Winnie hearings', and dealt for the most part with her involvement in human rights abuses. For nine days, a recreation centre in the lower-middle-class Johannesburg suburb of Mayfair became the focus of international media attention as forty-three witnesses – including victims, former MUFC members, religious and community leaders, police and members of the Mandela Crisis Committee – testified both for and against Winnie. More than 200 print and electronic journalists from all over the world were on hand to record and rehash the bloody violence that reigned in Soweto in the mid-1980s. But the focal point of all the interest was the woman who personified the struggle against apartheid and injustice more vividly than any other individual, the Mother of the Nation who stood accused of killing one child and abusing several others.

In her best-selling book,
Country of My Skull
, author and poet Antjie Krog described Winnie's dichotomous domain as ‘the house of the liberation movement's most revered political lineage and the house of lowly informers. The house of famous, regal personalities and the house of a particular kind of gangster personality.' From the patchwork of testimony it heard, the TRC faced the conundrum of stitching together the most likely picture of what had happened in that house, and deciding what to do with their findings. The following are concise summaries of the information the commissioners had at their disposal, and their conclusions.

Xola Mokhaula and Mlando Ngubeni

Xola Mokhaula was executed in front of his family on the evening of 24 January 1987, apparently after he had confiscated a firearm from MK operative Oupa Alex Seheri. In attempting to retrieve the firearm, Seheri shot Mokhaula in cold blood and fatally wounded Mlando Ngubeni. Police found one of the guns used in the attack in Zindzi Mandela's bedroom in Winnie's house. An Audi used in the incident belonged to Winnie. Oupa Seheri, S'thembiso Buthelezi and Charles Bongani Zwane (also known as Bobo) were convicted of the murders, and Seheri
later sought amnesty from the TRC. Buthelezi admitted in testimony at the trial that he had driven the Audi during the operation and had hidden the recovered Scorpion machine pistol at the Mandela house.

Winnie denied all knowledge of the events.

The TRC found there was no evidence that either Winnie or Zindzi had any direct involvement in the incident.

Peter and Phillip Makhanda

On 26 May 1987, the Makhanda brothers were taken by force to the back rooms of Winnie's home. They were assaulted, had ANC slogans carved into their bodies and battery acid rubbed into their wounds. Two MUFC members, Absolom Madonsela and Isaac Mokgoro, and Winnie's driver John Morgan, were charged in the case, but acquitted owing to insufficient and contradictory evidence. However, the testimony of former MUFC member Gift Ntombeni and from other witnesses confirmed that the incident had taken place. Although the Makhanda brothers had implicated Winnie in the incident, she was never questioned by the police, and denied any knowledge or involvement.

The TRC found that the assaults and mutilation of Peter and Phillip Makhanda did take place in the back rooms of Winnie's home, and that members of the MUFC participated in the assault and mutilation of the youths.

Sicelo Dhlomo

Sicelo Dhlomo had been abducted, and was found dead in Soweto on 25 January 1988. The security forces were assumed to be responsible. However, according to an amnesty application, Sicelo Dhlomo was killed by members of an MK unit led by John Itumeleng Dube, allegedly because he was suspected of being a police informer. Xoliswa Falati alleged that Winnie had been involved in this incident, but Winnie denied any knowledge of Dhlomo's death and the TRC found no evidence of her involvement.

Phumlile Dlamini

Phumlile was the sister of Kenneth Thole Dlamini, one of the original members of the MUFC. He was later killed by Sizwe Sithole. She testified that she had been assaulted by Winnie and members of the MUFC in August and September 1988, while pregnant with the child of Johannes ‘Shakes' Tau, who sometimes acted as Winnie's driver. Tau had told Phumlile he was also having a relationship with Winnie. When she was first taken to Winnie's home, Phumlile was assaulted by Winnie. Tau apparently disappeared, and a week later Phumlile was again picked up by Winnie and members of the football club, and again assaulted by Winnie. Later, she was repeatedly assaulted by the men for a period of five hours, until
Zindzi intervened. Phumlile wanted to report the matter to the police, but her brother begged her not to, as he feared what Winnie and the MUFC might do. Winnie denied any knowledge of the incident, or involvement in the assaults.

The TRC found that Phumlile Dlamini was a credible witness, and that Winnie as well as members of the MUFC had assaulted her.

Thole Dlamini

Kenneth Thole Dlamini, Phumlile's brother, was shot dead after attending a night vigil on 16 October 1988. He had fallen out with prominent members of the MUFC after testifying against a member, Absolom Madonsela. The testimony led to Madonsela's conviction. Winnie denied any involvement in Dlamini's killing.

The TRC found that, although Dlamini had probably been shot dead by Clayton Sizwe Sithole, and Winnie was not in Soweto at the time of the incident, she knew about it and attempted to cover it up by assisting potential witnesses to go into hiding, and helping Sithole to evade prosecution.

Tebogo Maluleke, Sipho Mbenenge and Sergeant Stephanus Pretorius

Frans Tebogo Maluleke (also known as Peter) and Sipho Mbenenge were MK cadres who were staying temporarily at MUFC coach Jerry Richardson's house. On 9 November 1988, following a tip-off from Richardson, the police attempted to capture the two. In the ensuing gun battle they were both killed, as was Security Branch Sergeant Stephanus Pretorius – Richardson's police handler. This incident led directly to the subsequent disappearance of Lolo Sono and Sibuniso Tshabalala.

The TRC found that Winnie had placed the two MK cadres in Jerry Richardson's care, and Richardson admitted that they were killed after he had informed the police that they were at his house. He was released from police custody two weeks after the incident. Winnie refused to answer questions during the
in camera
hearing on whether she had had any suspicions following Richardson's quick release, considering the serious circumstances in which he had been arrested. The TRC found that she had been negligent and that her misplaced trust in Jerry Richardson was the direct cause of their deaths.

Lolo Sono and Anthony Sibuniso Tshabalala

Tebogo Maluleke was a relative of the Sono family. On Wednesday 9 November 1988, Winnie arranged for both Lolo and Sibuniso to go and see Tebogo. Lolo's father, Nicodemus Sono, testified that Lolo had told him when he got there that a police helicopter was flying around Richardson's house. Tebogo was nervous and told them to leave. They hid at a nearby shop, from where they witnessed the attack by the police, during which Tebogo was killed.

Nicodemus Sono testified that on Sunday 13 November, Winnie visited his
house in the company of a number of other people. Her driver, Michael Siyakamela, called him outside and he spoke to Winnie, who was in the front seat of the minibus. His son, Lolo, was sitting in the back. His face was swollen and bruised, and he was shaking and crying. Nicodemus begged Winnie to leave Lolo with him, but she said the movement would deal with ‘this dog'. Lolo was never seen again.

Winnie denied any knowledge of an assault on Lolo Sono, or his disappearance.

The TRC had obtained a statement from Michael Siyakamela that verified Nicodemus Sono's testimony, and found that Lolo was abducted by members of the MUFC on 13 November 1988 and taken to Winnie's home where, with her knowledge, he was severely assaulted. Winnie and members of the MUFC then took Lolo to his parents' home in Meadowlands, where she refused to hand Lolo over to his father, and told Nicodemus Sono that his son would be sent away so that the movement could deal with him. The TRC found that Lolo was killed by Jerry Richardson.