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Authors: Raul Ramos y Sanchez

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The networks soon trotted out their talking heads on Hispanic culture. Among the first bits of information gleaned from these
pundits was the significance of the date: May 20 was the birthday of José Antonio Marcha, the patron saint of the insurgents.
Cutaways to reporters standing before yet another smoldering facility frequently interrupted these background interviews.

Less than ninety minutes after the first reports, the network anchors were updating hastily generated computer maps that charted
the extent of the attacks across the nation. On the CBS map, yellow starbursts recorded the locations of sabotage. Stylized
soldiers marked the sites of armed assaults. The number of icons on the map grew by the minute.

The media reported the detonation of explosive devices at a frightening array of locations—electrical transformers, telephone
relay stations, vu-phone towers, naval docks, and airport runways. Government offices were another prime target. Bombs of
varying sizes exploded at post offices, state highway depots, truck weighing stations, and one county courthouse. There was
no official death toll from the attacks yet, but many in the audience feared the worst.

Preliminary reports also indicated that heavily armed combatants had attempted to storm more than thirty government installations.
Among those targeted were U.S. Army garrisons outside the Quarantine Zones in Los Angeles, El Paso, and San Antonio. A number
of local law enforcement posts across the nation were also struck.

Fresh footage of the devastation was aired the moment it arrived as each network vied to scoop the others. One of the most
dramatic clips came from California. Shot from a distance, it showed the bluish-white trails of four rockets arcing toward
a U.S. Army outpost. The missiles burst in the air above a collection of military vehicles, shrouding them in smoke. As the
haze cleared, soldiers appeared, chaotically scrambling to douse their blazing trucks and Humvees. The camera then quickly
shifted to a wooded hillside where a large suburban home was seen exploding under a barrage of artillery fire. Moments later,
an attack helicopter zoomed up the slope, raking the hillside with its weapons. The chopper was hit by ground fire and sent
circling to the ground as another helicopter joined the fray.

No living American had ever witnessed a military action on U.S. soil. As the chilling scenes of battle and the news of widespread
sabotage flooded the nation, fear and alarm began to grow.
Where will it end? Is my neighborhood next?

By early afternoon on the East Coast, the panic was escalating. Many barricaded themselves in their homes. In some neighborhoods,
armed civilians formed ad hoc militias. Anxious shoppers stormed grocery stores, stocking up on staples. The lines around
most gas stations extended for blocks. People separated from their loved ones tried desperately to reach home. Hordes of travelers
jammed the airports. Many others were afraid to fly. Rental cars were in hot demand. Interstates across the nation were clogged
with desperate, frightened drivers. The fear was contagious.

At 4:30 p.m. Eastern Time, President Brenner made a television appearance. He assured a shaken nation that all was well. The
attacks, while widespread, were “not catastrophic,” he said. The president also announced that all the armed attacks had been
repelled with few government or civilian casualties. Most of the attackers, though, had been killed or captured, he said.
Assuring that the unprecedented wave of violence was over, he urged all Americans to stay home and remain calm. They were
not in danger.

The president’s message turned the tide of panic. The terror and fear that had spread across the nation began to subside.
In reality, few civilians had ever been in jeopardy. Within military and intelligence circles, the Marcha Offensive was seen
as a severe blow to the rebels. But among the mainstream public, overwhelmed by the media onslaught, the raw shock of the
attacks had taken a toll. Those terrifying hours had shattered a confidence so deep, few Americans had ever considered a possibility
that now seemed very real…

The United States was in a civil war—and there was a chance the rebels might win.

READING GROUP GUIDE

Characters

Who was your favorite character? Why?

Who was your least favorite character? Why?

What emotions drove Mano’s conversion from loyal citizen to insurgent?

Do you think Mano’s actions were immoral? Why or why not?

Under the same circumstances as Mano, what would you have done differently?

How did Mano’s view of their rebellion differ from the views of Jo and Ramon?

What experiences ultimately radicalized Rosa?

Do you think Rosa’s reaction to her predicament differed from that of a mainstream American woman? If so, how?

Stereotypes and diversity

Did the story make you question your assumptions about the people and culture of Latin America? For example, were you surprised
by the diversity of the Latino characters in the story?

What role has the media played in fostering Hispanic stereotypes?

What are the positive and negative aspects of using an ethnic label like “Hispanic” or “Latino”?

Immigration and demographics

Did the story change your perspective on U.S. immigration policy? If so, how?

Do you think a separatist movement like that proposed by fictional character José Antonio Marcha could ever take root in the
U.S.? Why or why not?

What can we do to prevent the social turmoil presented in the story?

The media

Where is the balance point between the news media’s responsibility to highlight social problems and the exploitation of those
problems to attract viewers and readers?

Short of censorship, how can we protect ourselves from the economic impetus to “sell the news”?

Historical parallels

The events in
America Libre
are similar to some real-life events in U.S. history, such as the race riots of the 1960s and the internment of Japanese-Americans
during World War II. Do you think that today’s society has changed to prevent events such as these from happening again? If
so, how has it changed? If not, what are examples of how society has stayed the same?

Could the U.S. recognition of the State of Israel in 1948 ever be used as precedent for a Hispanic homeland within current
U.S. borders? Why or why not?

Do you believe any of today’s public figures are using the immigration issue for political gain? If so, how?

GUÍA DE LECTORES

Caracteres

¿Quién era su carácter preferido? ¿Por qué?

¿Quién era su carácter menos preferido? ¿Por qué?

¿Qué emociones condujeron la conversión de Mano de ciudadano leal al insurrecto?

¿Piensa usted que las acciones de Mano eran inmoral? ¿Por qué o por qué no?

Bajo las mismas circunstancias que Mano, ¿qué habría hecho usted diferentemente?

¿Cómo es diferente la opinión de Mano de la rebelión de la de Jo y de Ramon?

¿Al fin, cuál experiencia le convirtió a Rosa en una radical?

¿Piensa usted la reactión de Rosa a su lío diferenció de el de una mujer americana de corriente? ¿Si es así, cómo?

Estereotipos y diversidad

¿Cambia usted sus asunciones sobre la gente y la cultura de América latina a causa de la historia? Por ejemplo, ¿fue sorprendido
por la diversidad de los caracteres latinos en la historia?

¿Qué papel han desempeñado los medios en fomentar estereotipos hispánicos?

¿Cuáles son los aspectos positivos y negativos de usar una etiqueta étnica como “hispánico” o “latino”?

Inmigración y demográficos

¿Cambió usted su perspectiva de la politica de inmigración en los E.E.U.U.? ¿Si es así, cómo?

¿Piensa usted que un movimiento separatista como eso propuesto por el carácter ficticio Jose Antonio Marcha podría echar raíces
en los E.E.U.U.? ¿Por qué o por qué no?

¿Qué podemos hacer para prevenir la agitación social presentada en la historia?

Los medios

¿Dónde es el punto del balance entre la responsabilidad de los medios de destacar problems sociales y la explotación de esos
problemas para atraer espectadores y a lectores?

Corto de censura, ¿cómo podemos protegernos contra el ímpetu económico “para vender las noticias”?

Paralelos históricos

Los acontecimientos adentro
América Libre
sea similar a algunos acontecimientos de la historia de los E.E.U.U., como los alborotos de la raza de los años 60 y el inter-namiento
de Japonés-Americanos durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial. ¿Piensa usted que la sociedad de hoy ha cambiado para evitar que
sucedan los acontecimientos tales como éstos otra vez? ¿Si es así, cómo ha cambiado? ¿Si no, cuáles son ejemplos de cómo la
sociedad ha permanecido igual?

¿Podría ser posible usar el reconocimiento del estado de Israel por los E.E.U.U. en 1948 como precedente para una patria hispánica
dentro de las fronteras de los E.E.U.U.? ¿Por qué o por qué no?

¿Cree usted que hay algunas figuras públicas de hoy que están utilizando la cuestión de la inmigración para su propio aumento
político? ¿Si es así, cómo?

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

A longtime resident of the U.S. Midwest, Cuban-born Raul Ramos y Sanchez is a founding partner of BRC Marketing, established
in 1992 with offices in Ohio and California. Besides developing a documentary for public television,
Two Americas: The Legacy of Our Hemisphere
, he is host of MyImmi grationStory.com, an online forum for the U.S. immigrant community.

For more information please visit
www.RaulRamos.com
.

The fight isn’t over.
Look for the upcoming sequel to
America Libre
,

EL NUEVO

ALAMO

A
fter the disastrous Marcha Offensive, Manolo Suarez stands alone, the sole leader of the insurgency in war-torn Southern California.
Despite heavy rebel losses during their nationwide attacks on military installations, public demands for reprisals lead to
a siege of the Quarantine Zones. Denied food, water, and medicine for nearly two years, the insurgency appears ready to crumble.
But the hardships spawn a rebel splinter group: El Frente—an ultra-radical faction bent on terror attacks against U.S. civilians.
Reunited with his family, Mano finds himself at odds with his wife, Rosa, who wants an end to the fighting, and his son Pedro,
who joins El Frente. When Mano learns El Frente plans to destroy a Midwestern city with a smuggled nuclear weapon, he must
make a dreadful decision: will he betray his son or let millions of innocent people die?

Now turn the page for a sneak peek at

El Nuevo Alamo

THE MARCHA OFFENSIVE:
Day 2

S
ome things had not changed. The dawning sun in East Los Angeles was still a feeble glow in the gray haze, but the city’s infamous
smog was no longer a residue of its endless traffic. These days, the smoke of cooking fires clouded the sky. The vehicles
that had once clogged Los Angeles were now charred shells littering a war-scarred city divided into two walled-in Quarantine
Zones.

A rooster crowed outside a white stucco cottage on the north side of Quarantine Zone B. Inside the small house, Manolo Suarez
got out of bed and began to dress.

Lying naked on the bed, his wife, Rosa, stirred, her eyelids heavy. “What time is it?”

“Time for me to go, querida,” Mano answered, fastening his weathered jeans.

Rosa sat up abruptly, her eyes flashing. “What? How can you leave now, Mano? This is our first day together after a year and
a half apart and—” She stopped, the anger in her voice suddenly gone. Rising from the bed, she slipped on a tattered robe.
“I’m sorry, mi amor. I understand. Will you have time to eat?”

“No, it’s nearly daylight,” Mano said, opening the bedroom door. “I should have left an hour ago.”

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