Ancient Chinese Warfare (31 page)

A second inscription beseeching the early Shang ancestor known as T’ai Chia for protection is problematic in the way it refers to Chou-fang
Po or the Duke of the Chou-fang. Interpretations vary dramatically, one being that it records a request to protect the Chou-fang Po either by King Wen himself or the Shang emperor upon appointing him as Western Protector, another that it preserves a query by the emperor about sacrificing him to the great Shang ancestor T’ai Chia.

Finally, the third, asking about prospects for a forthcoming hunt, is assumed to record a Chou divinatory query undertaken prior to the Shang emperor’s arrival and is therefore cited as evidence that the Shang still retained confidence in the Chou’s submissiveness.
⁹²
However, the frequently voiced hypothesis that late Shang rulers avoided problematic areas and confined their hunts to their ever-dwindling, secure domain is extremely dubious because these hunts, though certainly motivated by a quest for pleasure and aggrandizement, had a marked military character. Apart from offering a chance to personally gather intelligence and overawe people, the hunt could even serve as a precursor for sudden military action and thus can be seen as confirming Shang suspicions.

In aggregate, accepting the majority view that these inscriptions originated in the Chou, it appears that its rulers were maintaining the façade of loyal allies by participating in Shang ritual activities even as they considered themselves kings and sought to augment their power. Having diverted their attention eastward, the Shang’s last despots were probably content to avoid battlefield confrontations with the Chou as long as a nominal or at least fictive submissiveness existed.

Although various individuals, clan princes, and officials from the incipient bureaucracy were frequently entrusted with field responsibility, Shang kings such as Wu Ting personally participated in numerous battles, sometimes in sole command, at other times accompanied by well-known figures, whether as allies or in a subordinate role. Overall, it appears that Wu Ting commanded perhaps a third of their expeditionary campaigns, primarily those directed against formidable enemies such as the Kung-fang and T’u-fang, particularly whenever initial Shang efforts proved
inadequate.
⁹³
However, he also relied on a small group of commanders who received frequent assignments and were repeatedly assigned to battle certain enemies, undeniable evidence that martial knowledge and expertise were being increasingly recognized.

As might be expected, a number of commanders who rose to prominence early on in Wu Ting’s lengthy reign perished or faded away before its conclusion. Martial responsibility was often assumed by leaders from allied states that had initially opposed the Shang, including four already noted: Ch’üeh, Chih Kuo, Yüeh, and Wang Ch’eng.
⁹⁴
However, without question, the outstanding figure of the first period was the leader known as Ch’üeh (or Ch’iao), chief of a tribe or proto-state located to the west of the Shang, perhaps in either Chin-nan or Yü-hsi.
⁹⁵
Vigorous throughout Wu Ting’s middle period as well, he was repeatedly deputed to conquer such rebellious proto-states as Hsien,
⁹⁶
Hsüan,
⁹⁷
Mu,
⁹⁸
Fu,
⁹⁹
Sang,
¹⁰⁰
Ko, Ch’ing,
¹⁰¹
Chi-fang,
¹⁰²
T’an,
¹⁰³
Wo,
¹⁰⁴
Ch’iang (in the early period), Ts’ai,
¹⁰⁵
Chi,
¹⁰⁶
Wang
¹⁰⁷
and Yüeh
¹⁰⁸
(whose leaders both became famous Shang generals after submitting), Yu,
¹⁰⁹
and others,
¹¹⁰
including a few whose names (characters) lack modern equivalents and thus remain unpronounceable, as well as clan states with the Shang surname. In total, he undertook more than twenty efforts on the king’s behalf, sometimes even in conjunction with Fu Hao, as well as important thrusts with the king to the south in the initial period, far exceeding the four or five each directed by all others.
¹¹¹
Even though he was not a royal clan member, he was still entrusted with authority over the royal army,
¹¹²
and his fate was frequently the subject of oracular inquiry.
¹¹³

Although the tribal leader Chih Kuo became one of Wu Ting’s four major commanders in his middle and late periods, he was initially counted among the Shang’s enemies and similarly had to be forcefully coerced into submitting.
¹¹⁴
His participation in several important campaigns, including those mounted against the T’u-fang,
¹¹⁵
Pa-fang,
¹¹⁶
Ch’iang,
¹¹⁷
Hsia-wei,
¹¹⁸
and Kung-fang,
¹¹⁹
has already been recounted, but he was also instrumental in efforts against other proto-states, including the Jen-fang
¹²⁰
and T’an.
¹²¹
Furthermore, he seems to have been chosen far more often than other prominent commanders to accompany the king and Fu Hao, suggesting that he specialized as an executive officer for the main commander or as the subcommander
for a second, discrete force charged with independent but coordinated battlefield action.
¹²²

Wang Ch’eng became a staunch Shang ally after having been the objective of suppressive campaigns led by Ch’üeh and others. He eventually proved the key commander in the victorious effort mounted against the Hsia-wei, nearly always taking the field with the king.
¹²³
Despite clearly specializing in Hsia-wei warfare, he participated in critical actions against the T’u-fang, Hu-fang,
¹²⁴
and Kung-fang,
¹²⁵
and in a few other conflicts, generally in alliance with the king.
¹²⁶

A number of women clearly played a vital role in Shang administrative and military activities during Wu Ting’s reign. They were designated by the term “
fu
,” an important character with the fundamental meaning of “broom,” which, with the evolution of the written language, came to function as a signifier in the composition of Chinese characters, connoting “consort” or “wife.” (In the Shang the concise form is already functionally identical to this later character.)
¹²⁷
One theory holds that individuals designated as
fu
originated among the king’s attendants, with the role perhaps having been hereditary among clans, accounting for the occasional reappearance of a name across generations.
¹²⁸
However, more likely the term formally signified the king’s highest-ranking consorts, with the second character in “Fu X” indicating her clan or state of origin.

About one hundred or so
fu
appear in the oracle inscriptions, including Fu Ching, Fu Hsi, Fu Lung, and Fu Chi. A few clearly attained significant status and exercised surpassing, though derived, authority. Perhaps after initially being responsible for managing ritual and internal palace functions,
¹²⁹
they came to be entrusted with directing a wide range of external activities, including marshaling troops for military campaigns,
¹³⁰
exercising active command in the field,
¹³¹
administering external areas,
¹³²
providing for border defense,
¹³³
and overseeing agricultural activities.
¹³⁴
Most of the “Fu” who appear in the oracular inscriptions were the formal consorts of Shang kings, but a very few wives of powerful local lords, clan chiefs, and even high officials managed to acquire similar status. Collectively referred to in the inscriptions as the “
tuo fu
” or
chu fu
—literally, the many
fu
or more simply “the
fu
”—as a group they were sometimes entrusted with specific military responsibilities such as providing for regional defense.
¹³⁵

Apart from Fu Hao, one of King Wu Ting’s three consorts, even the most famous Shang dynasty commanders are known solely through oracular inscriptions. However, the remarkable artifacts preserved in her tomb, only recently discovered, flesh out her portrait and dramatically verify the extensiveness of her political and martial activities. Fortuitously still undisturbed by robbers, Fu Hao’s tomb included unusually massive cauldrons of superlative quality and entire sets of bronze vessels otherwise unseen. Totaling some 3,500 pounds, they provide evidence not just of her status and wealth, but also of Shang opulence and the vast scale of its bronze industry.
¹³⁶

Hundreds of jades and numerous weapons, including eighty-nine
ko
or dagger-axe blades, many with the identifying mark of Fu Hao or her posthumous title Mu Hsin, and a number of sacrificial victims have also been recovered. Two large axe blades, similar to those employed during ceremonies in subsequent ages to formally bestow martial power, inscribed with her name have also been discovered. These astonishing findings have prompted a closer examination of her life and her unique career as a martial hero as chronicled by some 250 oracle inscriptions.
¹³⁷

Most analysts believe she was active only during Wu Ting’s era and died before the Kung-fang campaign, though whether in battle or from natural causes was not recorded.
¹³⁸
Based on the composition of “
hao
”—a character composed of the character “
tzu
,” referring to Shang kinsmen, and “
nü
,” the basic character or signifier for “woman”—she may have originally been from the king’s clan and probably entered Wu Ting’s household quite young, in accord with regional custom in the period.
¹³⁹
Prognostications indicate she gave birth to several children, both male and female;
¹⁴⁰
was otherwise the subject of the king’s inquiries about her health and security;
¹⁴¹
and became the recipient of sacrifices after her death
¹⁴²
and even perturbed the king by appearing in his dreams.
¹⁴³

Fu Hao conducted numerous sacrificial ceremonies,
¹⁴⁴
authorized divinations, and also sent in turtleshells to be used for divination while undertaking military duties out in the field.
¹⁴⁵
Moreover, she apparently enforced clan discipline, even acting in a judicial capacity to apprehend a member who had committed a capital offense,
¹⁴⁶
and handled inner court functions and foreign relations.

From the numerous inscriptions focusing on the auspiciousness of her military expeditions, she not only directed her own troops, but also
served as overall commander in campaigns that included one or more experienced, well-known generals such as Chih Kuo, apparently acting as the king’s alter ego in these efforts.
¹⁴⁷
As already noted, she also had charge of (possibly) the largest recorded Shang force, some 13,000 troops, or more than four times the usual levy of 3,000 men. However, the actual nature of her role remains unknown, prompting some historians to claim it was merely symbolic. Nevertheless, since it is spoken of in the same terms as the king or any other general exercising command, such doubts seem unfounded. Despite the many weapons found with her name inscribed in tomb number five, including symbolic axes of power, whether she actually wielded any weapon, perhaps a bow, is another question.

Although Fu Hao participated in virtually every important campaign from Wu Ting’s middle and early late periods, the great confrontation with the Kung-fang apparently came after her death.
¹⁴⁸
She successfully attacked the T’u-fang,
¹⁴⁹
Pa-fang (accompanied by Chih Kuo),
¹⁵⁰
Yi (accompanied by Hou Kao),
¹⁵¹
Ch’iang (the famous campaign in which she was ordered to conscript 3,000 men, 10,000 more men were levied, and a number of prisoners were taken),
¹⁵²
Lung,
¹⁵³
and others.
¹⁵⁴
In addition, she assembled and led an advance force that prepared the way for the main army in several instances
¹⁵⁵
and also executed a coordinated, two-pronged attack in conjunction with the king in another.
¹⁵⁶
Her martial career was thus extraordinary in terms of the number of campaigns directed, victories achieved, and realm of activity, because she commanded efforts in every quarter but the south. During her life she clearly enjoyed higher status than the other
fu
,
¹⁵⁷
and around the time of her death she was already being emulated to some extent by Fu Ching, evidence that her role as a commander, though surpassing ordinary mortals, had not been an aberration.
¹⁵⁸

11.

W
U TING’S REIGN can be summarized as a progressive reassertion of authority, expansion of the domain of control, and the projection of power beyond the core states in order to stifle independent peoples who had sought to exploit increasing weakness by mounting incursions and plundering the state’s growing wealth. Benign trading relations no doubt predominated, but the idyllic portrait of a virtuous dynasty whose charismatic power enthralled contiguous states is certainly a highly romanticized construct of later centuries.

Many enemy actions were simply the sort of minor predatory foray that would interminably plague Imperial China throughout its history. As ephemeral as the bite of a mosquito, they were easily absorbed and had no discernible impact on the central court apart from the king perfunctorily ordering some minimal action in response to incoming reports. Others, particularly the challenges mounted by the Ch’iang, T’u-fang, and Kung-fang during the latter half of Wu Ting’s reign, constituted a matter of focal concern. Nevertheless, unlike the subsequent Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods, when staggering fiscal amounts and massive manpower would be allotted just to ensure a state’s survival, martial activities didn’t extensively draw upon or deplete the Shang’s resources.