B008AITH44 EBOK (32 page)

With displeasure and malicious glee, the Viennese court officials took note of the underside of the glittering facade of Hungary. Crenneville, for example, found fault with the magnates’ “soiled costumes, some highly ridiculous Attilas,” and continued with a long tirade about the “shameless” czardas danced at the court ball—“but as an
épouseur
, I would never marry a girl who dances like this, and I would leave my wife if she forgot herself in public with a strange man, as is done during the so-called decent czardas
of yesterday’s court ball.” Crenneville also criticized “the elegant but half-naked get-up of the ladies.”
¹³

This liberality, this lack of reticence and the openly flaunted
temperament
of the Hungarian aristocracy, however, was precisely what attracted and clearly excited the young Empress after the strict life at the Viennese court. Sisi bloomed under the huzzahs of the common people of Hungary and the admiring glances of the Hungarian nobility. All the liberality, all the elegance, all the charm of Hungary, however, crystallized for her in Gyula Andrássy.

She was an overt, overwhelming success. Even Franz Joseph wrote appreciatively to his mother in Vienna, “Sisi is of great help to me with her courtesy, her exquisite tact, and her good Hungarian, in which the people are less reluctant to hear some rebuke from lovely lips.”
¹⁴

The undisputed high point of the visit was Elisabeth’s address to the Hungarian national diet in faultless Hungarian. At the words, “May the Almighty attend your activities with His richest blessing,” she folded her hands. Her eyes filled with tears of emotion. One of the magnates described the moment “as so moving that the deputies could not utter the
Elje
,
and tears streamed down the cheeks of the old and young.” The malicious commentary of the imperial head of Cabinet, Baron Adolf von Braun, on the same moment: “One cannot deny that the Hungarians have heart—if only it would last.”
¹⁵

But even here in Budapest, Sisi fell ill again. The symptoms were the same familiar ones: paroxysms of weeping, coughing, debility. She was forced to keep to her rooms for a week—to the disappointment of the many who had come to the capital for the sole purpose of seeing the “Queen.” Franz Joseph to Archduchess Sophie: “Our ball was once again very brilliant and crowded, but actually a disappointment, since many people came from every corner of the country only to see Sisi and be presented to her, and they found me alone.”
¹⁶

The longer the imperial visit to Budapest lasted, the more ill-humored the commentaries in Vienna grew. Archduke Albrecht, head of the
conservative
Court Party, wrote in outrage to Count Crenneville, “If only there were a way to prevent the overly long stay of the supreme imperial couple, which is sure to be damaging! Whatever could possibly have been achieved by it was achieved in the first 8 to 10 days, and now the repetition is injurious as well to the first good impression, as imperial dignity and renown are being totally destroyed thereby.” The blame for the Emperor’s behavior, too partial to Hungary, was assigned to none other than the Empress: “By now the mood here [that is, in Vienna] grows so bitter
against both Their Majesties personally and especially against Her Majesty when the public … reads detailed accounts about devotions and courtesies that were never granted to the local nobility and the Viennese, much less other provinces!”
¹⁷

Franz Joseph saw to it that the answer sent to his great-uncle expressed considerable irritation: “The stay here in no way threatens the monarch’s personal renown, since the Emperor knows perfectly well what he wants and what he will never grant—being, as he is, not the Emperor of
Vienna but considering himself at home in each of his kingdoms and lands equally.”
¹⁸

The political concessions to Hungary produced anything but agreement from the Viennese court. In his letters to Vienna, Crenneville gave free rein to his vexation, and he did not suppress his contemptuous expressions about “the gallows expressions of Deák and company.”
¹⁹

After a stay of five weeks, the Emperor and Empress returned to Vienna early in March.

The news that the beautiful Empress—inspired by Ida’s enthusiasm—had cast an eye on Gyula Andrássy spread through Hungary like wildfire. Such gossip surely contributed to solidifying Andrássy’s position in
domestic
affairs. Elisabeth was a woman in her late twenties, in full flower. She had given birth to three children but was dissatisfied, unfulfilled, and thirsting for freedom. There were problems in her marriage. In Vienna, she certainly did not feel at ease. A man such as Gyula Andrássy—in everything the opposite of her husband—could become dangerous to her. Ida’s passion for Andrássy confirmed Sisi in her very obvious infatuation. And all these feelings, erupting so unexpectedly, she now put at the service of Hungary’s cause—for an adventure in the ordinary sense was out of the question for a woman in her position.

Andrássy continued to be charged with the negotiations for conciliation and traveled back and forth between Budapest and Vienna. An intense political correspondence between Andrássy and the Empress began. Of course, they did not write to each other directly; Ida Ferenczy was the intermediary. These letters were worded in guarded and convoluted terms. The Empress was rarely mentioned by name; usually she was called “your sister”; Andrássy appeared as “the friend.” Thus, even if one of the letters were intercepted, it would be impossible to decode its message. For the same reason, today’s historian finds it difficult to extract useful facts from the few letters that have survived.

Andrássy was under constant observation, especially during his visits to Vienna. That it was not possible for him to call on the Empress privately
goes without saying; but that he was also reluctant to visit Ida Ferenczy’s apartments shows the degree of secrecy. Andrássy to Ida: “I wanted to come up to you, but since I assume that all my steps are being followed, I did not unnecessarily want to show the paths along which Providence is now doing its work.”
²⁰

*

The political situation, especially relations with Prussia, worsened
rapidly
during these weeks. There were long conferences about possible preparations for war. Ludwig von Benedek was named commander in chief of the troops in Bohemia, while Archduke Albrecht was assigned to head the armies in Northern Italy.

Franz Joseph and Elisabeth did not agree on the person in Berlin responsible for the anti-Austrian sentiments. Elisabeth wrote to her mother, very childishly, “It really would be a mercy if the King of Prussia were to die suddenly, it would prevent a great deal of misfortune.”
²¹
Franz Joseph knew better who was fanning the flames in Berlin: “As long as Bismarck remains, there will be no real peace.”
²²
As early as April 1866, Prussia concluded a secret treaty against Austria with the new Kingdom of Italy. Bismarck now fomented the conflict over Schleswig-Holstein so cleverly that war became inevitable. Supremacy in Germany was at stake.

For fear that France would also involve herself in the war and strengthen the Italian position, Austria concluded a secret treaty with Napoleon III on June 12. In return for assurance of French neutrality, Austria ceded the province of Venetia to France. France intended to pass the province on to Italy. The peculiar situation, then, was that the Austrian troops in Italy paid a high price in blood fighting for a province that the Emperor had already given away (though the generals were unaware of the true state of affairs).

A declaration of war followed on June 15, 1866. In the northern sector, Prussia fought against Austria, Saxony, Bavaria, Württemberg, Baden, Hanover, and Hesse-Kassel—for all practical purposes, that is, against the rest of Germany. Hardly anyone in Europe gave the Prussian armies a chance against such numerical superiority. But the immense military strength of Austria existed only on paper. The German allies did not amount to much; only Saxony entered the war at full strength; all the other German states had problems, especially Bavaria. At the height of the crisis, young King Ludwig II, disgusted by the political dealings, retired to his Rose Island in Lake Starnberg. For days, the ministers were unable to have an audience with their King. Instead, Ludwig used the time to set off a splendid fireworks display on the lake. The Austrian envoy reported to Vienna, “One begins to think that the King is demented.”
²³

Even Elisabeth, who was always ready to defend her Bavarian family, did not conceal her disapproval. She wrote to her mother in Possenhofen, “I hear the King has gone away again. If only he would pay a little more attention to the government, now that times are so bad!”
²⁴

During these worrisome days, the Empress was in Vienna, by her husband’s side. Now at last she forgot her troubles, her “caprices” and minor ailments. She was informed about political and military events and daily wrote long letters to her son in Bad Ischl in order to keep the eight-year-old up to date on events—including even such horror stories as one occurrence after the victory at Custozza at the end of June 1866. “The Piedmontese behave quite inhumanly to the prisoners, they kill the wounded, enlisted men as well as officers, yes they even hanged a few riflemen, two could still be saved, but one went mad. Uncle Albrecht threatened them with retaliation.”
²⁵
But Venetia could not be regained.

From the northern sector—Bohemia—one piece of bad news followed on the last. Once again the generals failed. Once again the equipment and provisions turned out to be inadequate.

Emperor Franz Joseph preserved a remarkable calm. Elisabeth to
Rudolf
: “In spite of the sad times and the many cares of state, dear Papa looks well, thank God, has an admirable calm and confidence in the future, although the Prussian needle guns are enormously successful…. This afternoon Papa had detailed news of the most recent battles, and they are better than he thought they would be, only the losses are terrible, since the troops are too brave and too fiery, so that an order was issued for them to wait with their bayonet attacks until the artillery has done its work.”
²⁶

On July 1, the Empress wrote with great caution to her son’s tutor, Colonel Latour (“Tell Rudolf as much as you consider advisable”): “
Unfortunately
, the situation is such that I can no longer send you news by telegraph, but to keep my promise, I want to let you know by letter how matters stand with us now. The northern army suffered terribly from the most recent battles, with a loss of 20,000 men, almost all staff and higher officers have been shot out of their regiments. The Saxons, too, are badly beaten.”
²⁷
Elisabeth: “The Emperor is admirable, always uniformly calm and collected…. The news I send you is bad, but one must not lose courage.”

The day after the decisive Battle of Königgrätz (July 3), Elisabeth wrote to Latour, “Last night we received the news that dashed our last hopes … the losses are said to be terrible.” There followed details of wounded relatives and friends: “Archduke Wilhelm suffered a head wound; Count Festetics’s foot was shot away, it has already been amputated; then Colonel
Müller was hit, Count Grünne [the son of Karl Grünne] is also said to be gravely wounded…. No one yet knows, I think, what will happen next, God grant only that no peace is concluded, we have nothing more to lose, so it is better to perish with honor.” Then Elisabeth expressed compassion for “the poor child,” Rudolf, “whose future is such a sad one.”
²⁸

The horrifying details from Königgrätz surpassed all imagination.
Landgravine
Fürstenberg: “It is the bloodiest war known to history.” The Austrians “were doused with bullets so hard that they fell by the company, it was as if sand were being thrown in their faces; it must have been a horrible bloodbath. Let God put an end to it, no matter how and through whom.”
²⁹

The battle was the biggest military encounter of modern history to date. Around 450,000 men were in the field—more than took part in the “Battle of the Nations” against Napoleon at Leipzig. This one battle and this one day turned Prussia into a European Great Power.
³⁰

Daily, trains filled with the wounded arrived at the Nordbahnhof. The Empress was busy from morning to night giving comfort. Both her mother-in-law and the public appreciated Elisabeth’s activities.
Landgravine
Therese Fürstenberg: “The Empress edifies and astonishes all the world by the truly maternal manner in which she devotes herself to the care of the wounded and the hospitals; it was time for her to win back the hearts of the public; she is doing a good job.”
³¹

Daily the Prussian troops moved closer to Vienna. Whoever could afford to do so, fled the city, taking valuables to safety. The court was packing as well. Starting on July 10, the most important files of the Foreign Ministry and the Cabinet Chancellery, and the most valuable manuscripts in the Court Library were shipped to Budapest. The most valuable
paintings
were removed from the walls. The furs of the imperial family and, of course, the crown insignia were also sent to Hungary.