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Authors: Giles Milton
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BOOK: Big Chief Elizabeth: The Adventures and Fate of the First English Colonists in America
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The women who signed up for the adventure remain something of a mystery, partly because the eccentricity of Elizabethan spelling makes them hard to identify with any certainty. Elizabeth Glane appears to have been the wife of Darby Glande, while Agnes Wood had links through marriage with either Audry Tappan, Thomas Topan, or perhaps both. Margaret Lawrence, Joan Warren, Jane Mannering, and Rose Payne all seem to have been unmarried; Elizabeth Viccars was almost certainly the mother of young Ambrose Viccars. It comes as a shock to learn that at least two of the women—Eleanor Dare and Margery Harvie—were pregnant; another brought along a baby that was still being breastfed.
All of these women were about to embark on an adventure that would have seemed inconceivable just a few months earlier. The wifely role in Elizabethan England was one of obedience and subservience, and women like Elizabeth Glane and Agnes Wood had been brought up to be neither seen nor heard. “A wyfe ought to be dyscrete, chaste … shamefaste, good, meke, pacyent and sober,” advised one Elizabethan guide for housewives; others added that she
should stay indoors, eschew frivolous costumes, and avoid alcohol. One author went so far as to claim that kissing one’s wife should not be a sign of affection, but to check whether she had been drinking wine. If so, a sound thrashing was in order, “not to offende or despise hir, but … lovingly to reform hir.”
should stay indoors, eschew frivolous costumes, and avoid alcohol. One author went so far as to claim that kissing one’s wife should not be a sign of affection, but to check whether she had been drinking wine. If so, a sound thrashing was in order, “not to offende or despise hir, but … lovingly to reform hir.”
Many of White’s female recruits would have smiled wearily at the bawdy wife jokes that did the rounds of London’s playhouses. “Wife!” runs a jest in one comedy, “There’s no such thing in nature. I confess, gentlemen, I have [only] a cook, a laundress [and] a housedrudge that serves my necessary turns.” Others joshed that women existed solely for men’s comfort, claiming that “wives are yong men’s mistreses, companions for middle age, and old men’s nurses.”
To such women, the thought of entering the man’s world of spills and adventure must have been both daunting and exciting. But White was not recruiting women out of compassion or charity. He had once been married—his wife appears to have died—and knew that many Elizabethan women worked long hours in the home and were in possession of many more practical skills than their gaming, drinking husbands. The housewife’s daily routine included baking and brewing, churning butter, tending the chickens, and spinning wool. She was also in charge of the potager—a most important skill for the colony—and had a well-trained eye for “good seedes and herbes, … specyally suche as be good for the potte.” She planted them and harvested them, and when the flax reached ripeness it was the wife who would make sure it was washed, beaten, and woven “into shetes, bordeclothes, towels, shertes, smockes and such other necessaries.” The day ended in reckoning the accounts; only then did she have the dubious pleasure of jumping into bed in order to “make merry.”
Preparations for the voyage progressed rapidly as winter drew to a close. White had secured three ships—the
Lion
of 120 tons, an unnamed flyboat to carry supplies, and a small pinnace captained by Edward Stafford, who had served under Lane in 1585.
Lion
of 120 tons, an unnamed flyboat to carry supplies, and a small pinnace captained by Edward Stafford, who had served under Lane in 1585.
The ships left London at the end of April 1587, fully laden with supplies but not yet carrying their full complement of colonists.
Many were dreading the voyage and had chosen to join the expedition at Portsmouth or Plymouth, where the ships stopped to take on fresh water. The fleet then headed west down the English Channel, hoping to reach Chesapeake Bay by the end of June.
Many were dreading the voyage and had chosen to join the expedition at Portsmouth or Plymouth, where the ships stopped to take on fresh water. The fleet then headed west down the English Channel, hoping to reach Chesapeake Bay by the end of June.
White’s diary entry for May 8, the day of their departure, leaves much to the imagination. “We waied anker at Plymouth,” he wrote, “and departed thence for Virginia.” Nor does he give any account of the first week of the voyage, when the colonists—many of whom had never before seen the sea—were growing accustomed to life on board ship.
The next note in White’s diary is much more interesting. On May 16 he records that Fernandez, his navigator, had allowed the fleet to disperse, with the unfortunate consequence that the
Lion
had lost sight of the flyboat carrying all the provisions. “[He] lewdly forsooke our flie-boate,” writes White, “leaving her distressed in the baye of Portugall.” This was a serious allegation; in using the word
lewdly
, White suggests that Fernandez had
deliberately
abandoned the smaller vessel. He adds fuel to the fire by claiming that his navigator “stole away from them in the night” in the hope that the captain would be unable to locate Chesapeake Bay, “or else, being left in so dangerous a place … they should surely be taken or slaine.”
Lion
had lost sight of the flyboat carrying all the provisions. “[He] lewdly forsooke our flie-boate,” writes White, “leaving her distressed in the baye of Portugall.” This was a serious allegation; in using the word
lewdly
, White suggests that Fernandez had
deliberately
abandoned the smaller vessel. He adds fuel to the fire by claiming that his navigator “stole away from them in the night” in the hope that the captain would be unable to locate Chesapeake Bay, “or else, being left in so dangerous a place … they should surely be taken or slaine.”
White gives no explanation why Fernandez would act with such malice, nor does he provide further details. But if the allegation is in any way true, then Fernandez was guilty of a criminal recklessness that threatened everyone on board with starvation. In normal circumstances, this would deserve the harshest punishment, to be carried out by the expedition’s commander. Yet White did nothing—no whipping, no flogging, no dunking from the yardarm. His inaction is the first indication that he lacked the most important requirement of an Elizabethan commander—ruthlessness. He had shown that he was unable to impose his own terms and conditions over the expedition, and, after just eight days at sea, had effectively forfeited his authority to Fernandez.
It was forty-four days before the
Lion
reached the Caribbean. The weary colonists stumbled ashore at the Virgin Islands and built temporary shelters on the beach. To these impoverished and scurvy-ridden Londoners, the sight of trees laden with tropical fruit was so welcome that they began plucking whatever was within reach. It was a big mistake, for they were eating a poisonous species of pome. “Some of our women and men, by eating a small fruite, like green apples, were fearefully troubled with a sudden burning in their mouthes and swelling of their tongues so bigge that some of them could not speake.” The baby on board had a more violent reaction to the fruit. “A child, by sucking one of those women’s brestes, had of that instant his mouth set on such a burning that it was strange to see how the infant was tormented for the time.” White had neglected to warn the colonists against eating unknown fruits, and it was fortunate that they escaped lasting damage.
Lion
reached the Caribbean. The weary colonists stumbled ashore at the Virgin Islands and built temporary shelters on the beach. To these impoverished and scurvy-ridden Londoners, the sight of trees laden with tropical fruit was so welcome that they began plucking whatever was within reach. It was a big mistake, for they were eating a poisonous species of pome. “Some of our women and men, by eating a small fruite, like green apples, were fearefully troubled with a sudden burning in their mouthes and swelling of their tongues so bigge that some of them could not speake.” The baby on board had a more violent reaction to the fruit. “A child, by sucking one of those women’s brestes, had of that instant his mouth set on such a burning that it was strange to see how the infant was tormented for the time.” White had neglected to warn the colonists against eating unknown fruits, and it was fortunate that they escaped lasting damage.
“A wyfe ought to be chaste, pacyent and sober,” reads one Elizabethan guide for housewives. She also needed to be hardworking, for her daily routine included baking, brewing, harvesting, spinning, and bookkeeping. Women were to be the life-blood of the colony
Other colonists made the mistake of drinking from “a standing ponde, the water whereof was so evill that many of our companie fell sicke with drinking thereof … their faces did so burne and swell that their eies were shut up and could not see in five or sixe daies or longer.”
White was growing increasingly worried at the lack of food, water, and salt, especially since there was still no sign of his flyboat. He knew that if he did not acquire these in considerable quantity, his colonists would starve to death soon after arriving at Chesapeake Bay. Fernandez had sailed through the Caribbean on numerous occasions and knew the islands well. His failure to steer the
Lion
towards livestock and saltponds confirmed White’s suspicions that he was deliberately trying to sabotage the colonial project. The tone of his diary becomes increasingly irritable as he records a litany of real or imaginary grievances, claiming that Fernandez had “assured” him that sheep could be found on St. John Island when in fact there was nothing more nourishing than old droppings.
Lion
towards livestock and saltponds confirmed White’s suspicions that he was deliberately trying to sabotage the colonial project. The tone of his diary becomes increasingly irritable as he records a litany of real or imaginary grievances, claiming that Fernandez had “assured” him that sheep could be found on St. John Island when in fact there was nothing more nourishing than old droppings.
It was now the first of July—late in the year to be planting a colony, and still the settlers were nowhere near their destination. Two of the company had jumped ship—though White does not explain why—and relations between the governor and Fernandez had broken down completely. On the rare occasions that he did address his pilot, he always found his requests rebuffed. When he demanded that the vessel stop again to “gather yong plants,” he was overruled. And when he begged Fernandez to pause at Hispaniola to buy cows, he was brusquely informed that there were no cattle on the island. Having failed to find any supplies, the
Lion
headed for Virginia in the hope that the flyboat would have already arrived.
Lion
headed for Virginia in the hope that the flyboat would have already arrived.
White’s first port of call was Roanoke Island, where he hoped to find Master Coffin and his men in rude health. He was looking forward to meeting Coffin, “with whome he meant to have conference concerning the state of the countrey and savages,” and particularly
keen to hear how the Indians had reacted to the hurried departure in 1586. He also hoped to persuade the fifteen English soldiers to remain on the island to protect Lord Manteo. Then, once he had overseen the baptism of Manteo, White intended to “passe along the coast to the Baye of Chesepiok where we intended to make our seate and forte, according to the charge given us … under the hande of Sir Walter Ralegh.”
keen to hear how the Indians had reacted to the hurried departure in 1586. He also hoped to persuade the fifteen English soldiers to remain on the island to protect Lord Manteo. Then, once he had overseen the baptism of Manteo, White intended to “passe along the coast to the Baye of Chesepiok where we intended to make our seate and forte, according to the charge given us … under the hande of Sir Walter Ralegh.”
The
Lion
dropped anchor some two miles off the Outer Banks, and the governor began preparations to take the large pinnace across Pamlico Sound to Roanoke, “accompanied by fortie of his best men.” Many of these were anxious to step ashore after the long voyage, and keen to see the settlement that White had helped to build two years previously. They had just pushed off from the
Lion
when one of Fernandez’s trouble-making deputies leaned over the edge of the flagship and, on the orders of his superior, shouted to the colonists that they would not be welcomed back on board and should chance their luck on Roanoke. The same man then “called to the sailors in the pinnesse, charging them not to bring any of the planters backe againe, but leave them in the island.”
Lion
dropped anchor some two miles off the Outer Banks, and the governor began preparations to take the large pinnace across Pamlico Sound to Roanoke, “accompanied by fortie of his best men.” Many of these were anxious to step ashore after the long voyage, and keen to see the settlement that White had helped to build two years previously. They had just pushed off from the
Lion
when one of Fernandez’s trouble-making deputies leaned over the edge of the flagship and, on the orders of his superior, shouted to the colonists that they would not be welcomed back on board and should chance their luck on Roanoke. The same man then “called to the sailors in the pinnesse, charging them not to bring any of the planters backe againe, but leave them in the island.”
The colonists could scarcely believe their ears. They were used to all kinds of setbacks and changes of plan, but this was an extraordinary development that ran contrary to everything that had been meticulously planned in England. Fernandez was disobeying not only the orders of John White, but the very word and command of Sir Walter Ralegh.
More observant men might have realised that a showdown between White and Fernandez had been brewing for some weeks, and that Fernandez had shown himself to be distinctly uninterested in the fate of the colonists ever since he “lewdly” forsook the flyboat in the Bay of Portugal. White’s journal, though partisan, makes it clear that his navigator had always been more interested in Spanish bullion than in Ralegh’s settlement, and it was quite possible that Fernandez had accepted the commission from Sir Walter for the sole reason that it gave him a free passage to the Caribbean. Now,
having missed one opportunity of privateering, he was determined to seize the initiative, curtly informing the governor that “summer was farre spent, wherefore hee would land all the planters in no other place.” He added that he would remain at anchor only long enough for all the colonists to be taken ashore.
having missed one opportunity of privateering, he was determined to seize the initiative, curtly informing the governor that “summer was farre spent, wherefore hee would land all the planters in no other place.” He added that he would remain at anchor only long enough for all the colonists to be taken ashore.
White should have hanged the truculent Fernandez on the spot—as Drake would have done—but the curious weakness that had afflicted him throughout the voyage now struck once again. Faced with what was technically a mutiny, he did not clamber back on board the
Lion
to impose his will over the lawless Fernandez. He vacillated and dithered. When he learned that the vessel’s prize-hungry crew were also itching to return to the Caribbean, “it booted not the governor to contend with them.” That very night, “at sunne set,” he abandoned all thoughts of settling in Chesapeake Bay and weakly acquiesced in Fernandez’s change of plan. After a brief discussion, he agreed that the rest of the colonists, totalling 112 men and women, would be rowed across to Roanoke over the following few days.
Lion
to impose his will over the lawless Fernandez. He vacillated and dithered. When he learned that the vessel’s prize-hungry crew were also itching to return to the Caribbean, “it booted not the governor to contend with them.” That very night, “at sunne set,” he abandoned all thoughts of settling in Chesapeake Bay and weakly acquiesced in Fernandez’s change of plan. After a brief discussion, he agreed that the rest of the colonists, totalling 112 men and women, would be rowed across to Roanoke over the following few days.
It was dusk on July 22, 1587, by the time White and his advance party drew their pinnace ashore at the eastern end of Roanoke. Although they were several miles from the English settlement, they were certain that Master Coffin would have seen where they landed and would soon arrive to greet them. But they waited in vain, and when they began calling into the dark woodland, their cries were met with ghostly echoes. “We found none of them,” wrote a puzzled White, “nor any signe that they had bene there.” It was most mysterious. Coffin’s men were all battle-hardened soldiers who had been trained to survive in the harsh terrain of Ireland. Unless there had been a massacre—which White doubted, for the Indians had clearly not reoccupied the island—the only possible explanation was that they had set off on an expedition inland.
The colonists searched up and down the coast for further clues. As night arrived one of them called over to White in an urgent, desperate voice. There on the ground, half-covered with dust, were “the bones of one of those fifteene which the savages had slaine long
before.” The discovery came as a terrible shock to the landing party. Although a concerted search turned up no more bones, the men now began to fear that the entire party had indeed been massacred.
before.” The discovery came as a terrible shock to the landing party. Although a concerted search turned up no more bones, the men now began to fear that the entire party had indeed been massacred.
BOOK: Big Chief Elizabeth: The Adventures and Fate of the First English Colonists in America
5.93Mb size Format: txt, pdf, ePub
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