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Authors: Melinda Tankard Reist,Abigail Bray
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For blow jobs, regular blow jobs, I get three hundred for those, for a girl on girl scene with me and another girl, that’s usually six hundred … me and a girl, anal, which means, you know, penetration in the butt, that’s usually eight hundred. Me and one guy, that’s nine hundred. Me and one guy, anal, that’s a thousand. Me and two guys, whether or not it be anal or regular, is eleven hundred. Double penetration, which is one in vagina, one in the butt, that’s twelve hundred, and gang bangs … I start at thirteen hundred for three guys and then add a hundred for each additional guy, so you know, it’s like two thousand for six guys [it should be 10 guys] … double anal, fifteen hundred, and double anal would be two in the butt …
This pricelist was verified to me as the standard pay for the industry’s more established film companies. For a low-budget, small company, or in amateur movies, the price could be significantly lower. Anal sex is prevalent, but based on my interviews with both men and women, it is not something many women are eager to do. P.T., a female 20-year-old porn performer, a pre-med dropout, explained why she was reluctant to do anal sex: “In porn, they tend to be rougher than in real life, and it tears the capillaries, and it can spread some diseases.”Sharon Mitchell, a porn performer in the 1970s and 1980s, founded the Adult Industry Medical Health Care Foundation (AIM) to provide medical and testing services for the porn industry. Mitchell has been very vocal in criticizing the industry, particularly the extreme and brutal gonzo genre. Mitchell stated that in the film
Porn Shut Down
, for example, “I sat there everyday and I saw anal tear and anal prolapses. The physical condition people put their body through is getting very far away from the sexuality as we know it.” AIM’s Website also lists some of the health risks of standard sexual acts in pornography – from tears in the
vagina, throat, and anus, to HIV, hepatitis, and rectal chlamydia and gonorrhea of the throat.
But beyond each individual woman’s experiences, the crucial question is why an economic system would pay a woman 50 times more money to be gagged than for her to take a McDonald’s job? As Sarah Katherine Lewis, a former stripper and porn performer, said: “When your best choice is taking off your clothes and sticking toys in your cunt for money, I think there’s a real problem with the labor system.”
Conclusion
In my conversations with male porn users, many of them expressed some ambivalence or even guilt. Pornographers attribute this ‘guilt’ to sexual repression or religion. But that is not its only source. I ended my film with a quotation from a 20-year-old college student, Gregg, who said:
When you’re watching porn, you’re in the heat of the moment, you’re in the passion of it, you’re aroused, you’re actively masturbating or whatever, sex can seem very, very fun. It can seem like, ‘Oh, maybe someday I want to lube up a woman and flip her over, and you know, fuck her from behind.’ But, honestly, the second I have an orgasm and that passion kind of sinks out of my body and you’re still watching the movie, you start to really see what’s going on and it’s kind of just foul, you know? … and you’re left in the end, you’re done masturbating, you’ve had your orgasm, you’re not really feeling passionate anymore, onscreen is this woman who’s naked, get down on her knees, has cum all over her, and the man’s just standing there in his power position and he’s loving it, and you just kind of wonder like, this is not sexy, this is not sex, this is not how I want to experience sex.
Most of the men I talked to knew that it was wrong to treat another human being the way women were treated in pornography. It was empathy that induced Gregg’s guilt, as he so eloquently articulated.What has driven me through this long journey of 7 years, from making my documentary to engaging in various research projects on different aspects of pornography, is a genuine curiosity about human sexuality, identity, and relationships. What propels me to continue is my optimism in our ability to care, connect, and love ourselves and another human being. My question is whether making and consuming pornography may hurt those capacities. So far, my evidence suggests it does.
Bibliography
Bridges, Ana, Robert Wosnitzer, Erica Scharrer, Chyng Sun and Rachael Liberman (2010) ‘Aggression and Sexual Behavior in Best-Selling Pornography Videos: A Content Analysis Update’.
Violence Against Women
16 (10) pp. 1065–1085.
Dines, Gail (2010)
Pornland: How Porn Has Hijacked our Sexuality
. Beacon Press, Boston; Spinifex Press, North Melbourne.
Hardcore, Max (n.d.) ‘Max Hardcore Porn’, <
http://maxhardcoreporn.net/front.php?s=MHP&r=6688b&t=no&refer_url=http://www.google.com/search?client=safari&rls=en&q=max+hardcore+website&ie=UTF-8&oe=UTF-8&ip=128.122.78.144&ip=128.122.78.144
> (accessed 18 March, 2011).
Jensen, Robert (2007)
Getting Off: Pornography and the End of Masculinity
. South End Press, Cambridge, MA.
PART THREE
Harming Children
Harming Children
“All the while, there was a part of me that was disgusted with what I was watching … but the self-hatred part was so strong that I couldn’t get past the idea that this violence and degradation was okay, and even right. I felt like it was the kind of treatment I deserved and, by extension, the treatment that all women deserve. It was about my feelings of worthlessness being reinforced in me by watching other women being treated as worthless objects.” – Ellen
“It’s not just the trauma … I live with the constant fear the photos taken of me being raped as a boy by older men will surface somewhere someday … I have children of my own now and would give my life for them; I love them so much … [M]y childhood is like another world I try to forget; there is this terror that is always there that my photos are out there somewhere circulating amongst filthy perverts …” – Richard
“He’d make me sit and watch porn videos with him and I’d feel sick. He’d then make me do to him what they had done and he took photos of me naked on the bed and he wanted me to look at the photos and you can see my face frozen and twisted with fear and I have no idea where the photos are … I live with this terror that they are going to surface or that he will die and the photos will be found and everyone will know then what happened and I think that would kill me.” – Natasha
“The damage to my self-image and confidence has been huge – I used to be so confident but found myself feeling completely unattractive and unlovable. I fear for my gorgeous baby girl – if porn is so permissible now, how much worse is it going to be when she is older?” – Linda
“It’s not just the trauma … I live with the constant fear the photos taken of me being raped as a boy by older men will surface somewhere someday … I have children of my own now and would give my life for them; I love them so much … [M]y childhood is like another world I try to forget; there is this terror that is always there that my photos are out there somewhere circulating amongst filthy perverts …” – Richard
“He’d make me sit and watch porn videos with him and I’d feel sick. He’d then make me do to him what they had done and he took photos of me naked on the bed and he wanted me to look at the photos and you can see my face frozen and twisted with fear and I have no idea where the photos are … I live with this terror that they are going to surface or that he will die and the photos will be found and everyone will know then what happened and I think that would kill me.” – Natasha
“The damage to my self-image and confidence has been huge – I used to be so confident but found myself feeling completely unattractive and unlovable. I fear for my gorgeous baby girl – if porn is so permissible now, how much worse is it going to be when she is older?” – Linda
Diana E.H. Russell
Russell’s Theory
: Exposure to Child Pornography as a Cause of Child Sexual Victimization
1
Many people believe that exposure to pornography is cathartic, providing “a release of wishes, desires or drives such that they do not have to be acted on in reality” (Kelly et al., 1995, p. 23). The exposure is frequently described as a ‘safety valve’. According to the ‘safety valve’ theory, viewers of child pornography should be less likely to sexually victimize children, therefore child pornography should be legalized. I argue, in contrast, that exposure of men
2
to child pornography can
cause
some of them to sexually abuse children when 3 causal factors (detailed below) co-occur. Each of these causal factors is necessary but not sufficient, and they do not have to occur in any particular order.
While some clinicians (e.g. Wyre, 1990), law enforcement officers, and the public at large believe that perpetrators of child sexual abuse are always pedophiles, I do not subscribe to this view. I agree with Philip Jenkins that “a sexual interest in children is not confined to a tiny segment of hardcore … ‘pedophiles’” (2001, p. 25). I also reject the view that there are fundamental differences between perpetrators of child sex abuse who are
not
pedophiles, and ‘normal’ males. Jenkins refers to the sizable legal market in pseudo-child pornography in which adult women are made to look like young teens and argues that “the popularity of such materials indicates a mass popular market for teen sexuality” in the United States (2001, p. 28). For example, in a recent study, 92% of child sexual abuse offenders were in possession of images of minors that emphasized their sexuality or portrayed them as involved in explicit sexual activities (in M’jid Maalla, 2009, p. 10).
As I will show, the existing research supports Jenkins’s contention and reveals
that child pornography can help cultivate, normalize, and legitimize male sexual interest in children.
3
The theoretical foundation of this model, which I call
Russell’s Theory
, comes from the work in which I have been engaged over 3 decades.
4
Causal Factor 1a
Viewing child pornography predisposes some males, not previously so disposed, to sexually desire children
It is commonly believed that exposure to child pornography cannot create a desire for sexual contact with children in men for whom it did not previously exist. I disagree. There are 4 main ways in which exposure to child pornography
can
cause sexual arousal in these men.
First, child pornography sexualizes or sexually objectifies children. Pornographers often instruct girls to get into sexual poses or to engage in masturbation or sexual intercourse by imitating women so engaged in adult pornography. One pornographer declared that “Girls, say between the ages of 8 and 13, are the very salable objects … young girls without overdevelopment [sic] and preferably with little or no pubic hair on their body” (cited in Campagna and Poffenberger, 1988, p. 133). By sexualizing children, child pornography sends the message that they are appropriate and desirable objects of sexual interest (American Psychological Association, 2007). Here, child pornography works in concert with other widely accessible media and products that depict young girls as ‘sexy’ and/or potentially interested in sex with adults (Durham, 2008; Oppliger, 2008; Levin and Kilbourne, 2009; Levy, 2005; Tankard Reist, 2009). The American Psychological Association (2007) has shown that the widespread sexualization of young girls in mainstream media and consumer culture can dehumanize girls and lead viewers/consumers to equate them with sexual objects (see also Frederickson and Roberts, 1997).
Second, pseudo-child pornography is an increasingly popular genre that merges sexual images of girls and women, thereby confounding the distinctions between them. This genre, which is exceedingly prevalent online in the 21st century, portrays young-looking adult women as if they were young girls, using props (e.g. teddy bears and lollipops) and captions or text to describe the depicted
women as children (Dines, 2010; see also Dines, this volume). The
childification
of women in pseudo-child pornography is also accomplished by dressing them in childish clothes and hairstyles, positioning them in childlike poses with childlike expressions and surrounding them with children’s toys. The transition of a male’s arousal to child pornography can be achieved through a step-by-step process of exposure to gradually younger sexualized teenagers and then prepubescent girls – a process described by the child-porn users who Pamela Paul (2005) interviewed.
Adultification
, on the other hand, involves depicting girls as mini-adults with the use of makeup, seductive clothes, sexy adult-like poses, and/or accompanying text. Like pseudo-child pornography, adultified child images can sexualize girls for some male viewers who never before experienced sexual interest in young girls.
Third, there is learning by association. A classic experiment by Rachman and Hodgson (1968) found that male subjects can learn to become sexually aroused by seeing a picture of a woman’s boot after repeatedly seeing women’s boots in association with sexually arousing slides of nude females. Masturbation to these images reinforces this association, which was conceptualized by McGuire, Carlisle, and Young as “masturbatory conditioning” (1965, p. 185). The pleasurable experience of orgasm is a potent reinforcer. Several of the pornography consumers interviewed by Paul (2005) said that their initial disinterest in, or even disgust with, child pornography gradually diminished after repeated exposure, especially in the context of masturbation.
The fourth way concerns males who have become habituated to adult pornography and who seek out more extreme forms of pornography. Margaret Healy argues that continued exposure to generally available so-called nonviolent pornography arouses an interest in, and creates a taste for, pornography that portrays less commonly practiced sexual activities, including those involving the infliction of pain:
Viewing child pornography intensifies the desire of some males who are already sexually aroused by children
When pedophiles and other males who desire sex with children are exposed to child pornography which corresponds to their specific preferences (e.g. the gender and age of the child), their sexual arousal intensifies. For example, John Ferguson, an 18-year-old pedophile, described his reaction to seeing hardcore child pornography for the first time:
Child pornography also provides new ideas for sexually abusing children. Jenkins suggests that
they watched with actual children. In addition, there is now widespread use of live web cams on the Internet to provide made-to-order child sexual abuse, that also constitutes child pornography. A father, for example, asks his online web cam buddies what sex acts they would like him to enact on his child. He then acts out the sexual abuse that they request, after which his buddies pay him for his live show.
Habituation is an intrinsic feature in the escalation described by child pornography viewers, resulting in the desire to see more callous and sadistic images showing children upset, traumatized, or tortured. On the sadistic end of the range are Websites like
russianrape.com
(link no longer active) which invited viewers to “see the poor young girls swallow what they don’t want, but have to do … see the horror in the eyes of the young girls and see them wild scream [sic] in brutally [sic] rape and pain!” Another Website called
rapedasians.com
(link no longer active) promised “the very best collection of very young Asian girls brutally raped.” Gail Dines (2010) offers other examples of sexually sadistic materials that are easily accessible online. As explained below, some users visit these sites only after they have become habituated to non-violent material that portrays children ‘enjoying’ their abuse.
Causal Factor 2
Viewing child pornography undermines some males’
internal
inhibitions against sexually victimizing children
Each component identified in Causal Factor 2 undermines beliefs and feelings that inhibit the acting out of sexual desires.
The first involves sexualizing, sexually objectifying, and/or depersonalizing girls. Many types of child pornography that portray girls in sexually provocative poses or happily engaged in sexual acts with other children or with adult men or women, can convince those exposed to it that some children want and enjoy sex with adult males. For example, a sexual offender who enjoyed viewing child pornography showing “girls actually having sex” said that the girls “had to look happy … I mean I wasn’t looking for rape or anything” (Taylor and Quayle, 2003, p. 82). The 2009 UN report on child pornography comments that “[n]etworks for the exchange of child pornography display photographs in which the children have been forced to smile in order to prove that they ‘are having fun’…” (in M’jid Maalla, 2009, p. 12).
Secondly, child pornography undermines the prohibition against sex with children. Hiromasa Nakai, a spokesman for the Japan Committee for Unicef, said that to a degree, it has become socially accepted to lust over young girls
in Japan. As Mr Nakai commented, “Condoning these works has meant more people have access to them and develop an interest in young girls” (Tabuchi, 9 February, 2011; see also Norma, this volume).
There are also large numbers of child pornography Websites that promote adult–child sexual victimization through photographs, videos, or written stories. For example, an incest Website titled ‘Golden Incest Sites!’ listed 50 titles (
www.incest-gold.com/indes.php
, 6 June, 2002; link no longer active). The prevalence of child pornography sites, their content, and their positive portrayals of adult-child sexual abuse all serve to diminish recognition of the harm of incestuous and extra-familial child sexual abuse (see also Taylor, this volume). The Internet boards allow people to form their own subcultural communities in which such behaviors or desires are not considered wrongful and where pedophiles and others interested in child pornography can feel ‘normal’ (see Whisnant, 2010).
Third, child pornography minimizes or trivializes the harm of adult–child sex by masking the pain and trauma of child victims. For example, a pedophile called Stewart describes how he masked victims’ pain when he photographed young girls:
Russell’s Theory
: Exposure to Child Pornography as a Cause of Child Sexual Victimization
1
Many people believe that exposure to pornography is cathartic, providing “a release of wishes, desires or drives such that they do not have to be acted on in reality” (Kelly et al., 1995, p. 23). The exposure is frequently described as a ‘safety valve’. According to the ‘safety valve’ theory, viewers of child pornography should be less likely to sexually victimize children, therefore child pornography should be legalized. I argue, in contrast, that exposure of men
2
to child pornography can
cause
some of them to sexually abuse children when 3 causal factors (detailed below) co-occur. Each of these causal factors is necessary but not sufficient, and they do not have to occur in any particular order.
While some clinicians (e.g. Wyre, 1990), law enforcement officers, and the public at large believe that perpetrators of child sexual abuse are always pedophiles, I do not subscribe to this view. I agree with Philip Jenkins that “a sexual interest in children is not confined to a tiny segment of hardcore … ‘pedophiles’” (2001, p. 25). I also reject the view that there are fundamental differences between perpetrators of child sex abuse who are
not
pedophiles, and ‘normal’ males. Jenkins refers to the sizable legal market in pseudo-child pornography in which adult women are made to look like young teens and argues that “the popularity of such materials indicates a mass popular market for teen sexuality” in the United States (2001, p. 28). For example, in a recent study, 92% of child sexual abuse offenders were in possession of images of minors that emphasized their sexuality or portrayed them as involved in explicit sexual activities (in M’jid Maalla, 2009, p. 10).
As I will show, the existing research supports Jenkins’s contention and reveals
that child pornography can help cultivate, normalize, and legitimize male sexual interest in children.
3
The theoretical foundation of this model, which I call
Russell’s Theory
, comes from the work in which I have been engaged over 3 decades.
4
Causal Factor 1a
Viewing child pornography predisposes some males, not previously so disposed, to sexually desire children
It is commonly believed that exposure to child pornography cannot create a desire for sexual contact with children in men for whom it did not previously exist. I disagree. There are 4 main ways in which exposure to child pornography
can
cause sexual arousal in these men.
First, child pornography sexualizes or sexually objectifies children. Pornographers often instruct girls to get into sexual poses or to engage in masturbation or sexual intercourse by imitating women so engaged in adult pornography. One pornographer declared that “Girls, say between the ages of 8 and 13, are the very salable objects … young girls without overdevelopment [sic] and preferably with little or no pubic hair on their body” (cited in Campagna and Poffenberger, 1988, p. 133). By sexualizing children, child pornography sends the message that they are appropriate and desirable objects of sexual interest (American Psychological Association, 2007). Here, child pornography works in concert with other widely accessible media and products that depict young girls as ‘sexy’ and/or potentially interested in sex with adults (Durham, 2008; Oppliger, 2008; Levin and Kilbourne, 2009; Levy, 2005; Tankard Reist, 2009). The American Psychological Association (2007) has shown that the widespread sexualization of young girls in mainstream media and consumer culture can dehumanize girls and lead viewers/consumers to equate them with sexual objects (see also Frederickson and Roberts, 1997).
Second, pseudo-child pornography is an increasingly popular genre that merges sexual images of girls and women, thereby confounding the distinctions between them. This genre, which is exceedingly prevalent online in the 21st century, portrays young-looking adult women as if they were young girls, using props (e.g. teddy bears and lollipops) and captions or text to describe the depicted
women as children (Dines, 2010; see also Dines, this volume). The
childification
of women in pseudo-child pornography is also accomplished by dressing them in childish clothes and hairstyles, positioning them in childlike poses with childlike expressions and surrounding them with children’s toys. The transition of a male’s arousal to child pornography can be achieved through a step-by-step process of exposure to gradually younger sexualized teenagers and then prepubescent girls – a process described by the child-porn users who Pamela Paul (2005) interviewed.
Adultification
, on the other hand, involves depicting girls as mini-adults with the use of makeup, seductive clothes, sexy adult-like poses, and/or accompanying text. Like pseudo-child pornography, adultified child images can sexualize girls for some male viewers who never before experienced sexual interest in young girls.
Third, there is learning by association. A classic experiment by Rachman and Hodgson (1968) found that male subjects can learn to become sexually aroused by seeing a picture of a woman’s boot after repeatedly seeing women’s boots in association with sexually arousing slides of nude females. Masturbation to these images reinforces this association, which was conceptualized by McGuire, Carlisle, and Young as “masturbatory conditioning” (1965, p. 185). The pleasurable experience of orgasm is a potent reinforcer. Several of the pornography consumers interviewed by Paul (2005) said that their initial disinterest in, or even disgust with, child pornography gradually diminished after repeated exposure, especially in the context of masturbation.
The fourth way concerns males who have become habituated to adult pornography and who seek out more extreme forms of pornography. Margaret Healy argues that continued exposure to generally available so-called nonviolent pornography arouses an interest in, and creates a taste for, pornography that portrays less commonly practiced sexual activities, including those involving the infliction of pain:
With the emergence of the use of computers to traffic in child pornography, a new and growing segment of producers and consumers is being identified. They are individuals who may not have a sexual preference for children, but who have seen the gamut of adult pornography and who are searching for more bizarre material (2002, p. 4).
Gail Dines (2010) interviewed several incarcerated men who used child pornography and found that “not one of them fitted the definition of the pedophile” (p. 161).All seven told [Dines] that they preferred sex with an adult woman, but had become bored with regular pornography. Five of them had looked at PCP [pseudo-child pornography] sites first and then moved into actual child porn (p. 161).
Causal Factor 1bViewing child pornography intensifies the desire of some males who are already sexually aroused by children
When pedophiles and other males who desire sex with children are exposed to child pornography which corresponds to their specific preferences (e.g. the gender and age of the child), their sexual arousal intensifies. For example, John Ferguson, an 18-year-old pedophile, described his reaction to seeing hardcore child pornography for the first time:
One of the guys brought in three or four hardcore porno magazines that aroused me so intensely that I could barely control myself. Never in my life had I ever seen or heard of anything like this. Sex … oral sex …, everything … close up and in color. I fed on these magazines like a man possessed. Never in my life had I ever been aroused like this (Ferguson, 1985, p. 285; ellipses in original).
Many males with a sexual interest in children deliberately use child pornography to intensify their sexual desire as a prelude to masturbation or the sexual abuse of children. Silbert and Pines report that a father in their study used to show “his friends pornographic movies to get them sexually aroused before they would rape” his 9-year-old daughter (1993, pp. 117–118). Masturbation reinforces the fantasies accompanying this activity which intensifies the desire to sexually abuse children.Child pornography also provides new ideas for sexually abusing children. Jenkins suggests that
[a] common theme on pedophile Internet boards is requests for material that is not readily available: A few themes recur often and arouse real enthusiasm. By far the most common include calls for ‘Black loli’, African or African American subjects … Also in demand are incest pictures” (2001, p. 85).
Most child pornography portrays the victims as enjoying the sexual abuse. Such depictions undermine any guilt the viewers may feel, as well as facilitate imitation by males who need or prefer to believe that the sex acts depicted are not abusive. Sadistic perpetrators are more aroused by pictures of terrified, crying, or traumatized child victims. For example, a young girl testified as follows to the 1985 Government Commission on Pornography (AGCP):My father had an easel that he put by the bed. He’d pin a picture on the easel and like a teacher he would tell me this is what you’re going to learn today. He would then act out the pictures on me (AGCP, 1986, p. 782).
Similarly, Pamela Paul (2005) found that the child pornography users she interviewed often wanted (and sometimes tried) to enact the sexual scenariosthey watched with actual children. In addition, there is now widespread use of live web cams on the Internet to provide made-to-order child sexual abuse, that also constitutes child pornography. A father, for example, asks his online web cam buddies what sex acts they would like him to enact on his child. He then acts out the sexual abuse that they request, after which his buddies pay him for his live show.
Habituation is an intrinsic feature in the escalation described by child pornography viewers, resulting in the desire to see more callous and sadistic images showing children upset, traumatized, or tortured. On the sadistic end of the range are Websites like
russianrape.com
(link no longer active) which invited viewers to “see the poor young girls swallow what they don’t want, but have to do … see the horror in the eyes of the young girls and see them wild scream [sic] in brutally [sic] rape and pain!” Another Website called
rapedasians.com
(link no longer active) promised “the very best collection of very young Asian girls brutally raped.” Gail Dines (2010) offers other examples of sexually sadistic materials that are easily accessible online. As explained below, some users visit these sites only after they have become habituated to non-violent material that portrays children ‘enjoying’ their abuse.
Causal Factor 2
Viewing child pornography undermines some males’
internal
inhibitions against sexually victimizing children
Each component identified in Causal Factor 2 undermines beliefs and feelings that inhibit the acting out of sexual desires.
The first involves sexualizing, sexually objectifying, and/or depersonalizing girls. Many types of child pornography that portray girls in sexually provocative poses or happily engaged in sexual acts with other children or with adult men or women, can convince those exposed to it that some children want and enjoy sex with adult males. For example, a sexual offender who enjoyed viewing child pornography showing “girls actually having sex” said that the girls “had to look happy … I mean I wasn’t looking for rape or anything” (Taylor and Quayle, 2003, p. 82). The 2009 UN report on child pornography comments that “[n]etworks for the exchange of child pornography display photographs in which the children have been forced to smile in order to prove that they ‘are having fun’…” (in M’jid Maalla, 2009, p. 12).
Secondly, child pornography undermines the prohibition against sex with children. Hiromasa Nakai, a spokesman for the Japan Committee for Unicef, said that to a degree, it has become socially accepted to lust over young girls
in Japan. As Mr Nakai commented, “Condoning these works has meant more people have access to them and develop an interest in young girls” (Tabuchi, 9 February, 2011; see also Norma, this volume).
There are also large numbers of child pornography Websites that promote adult–child sexual victimization through photographs, videos, or written stories. For example, an incest Website titled ‘Golden Incest Sites!’ listed 50 titles (
www.incest-gold.com/indes.php
, 6 June, 2002; link no longer active). The prevalence of child pornography sites, their content, and their positive portrayals of adult-child sexual abuse all serve to diminish recognition of the harm of incestuous and extra-familial child sexual abuse (see also Taylor, this volume). The Internet boards allow people to form their own subcultural communities in which such behaviors or desires are not considered wrongful and where pedophiles and others interested in child pornography can feel ‘normal’ (see Whisnant, 2010).
Third, child pornography minimizes or trivializes the harm of adult–child sex by masking the pain and trauma of child victims. For example, a pedophile called Stewart describes how he masked victims’ pain when he photographed young girls:
They couldn’t show fear or doubt in the pictures. They had to show happiness or love … To get that look, I’d give them something, from tricycles to stereos. It depended on what they wanted. You have to be able to express [evoke] excitement in the pictures (in Campagna and Poffenberger, 1988, p. 126).
British journalist Davies (1994) describes “a video of a girl with her wrists and ankles chained to an iron bar in the ceiling and a grotesque dildo hanging out of her” (cited by Itzin 1996, p. 185). As Catherine Itzin comments, “The pornographer who was showing the video pointed to the girl’s smile as evidence of her consent” (1996, p. 185). Linz and Imrich note:Potential molesters who watch child sex depictions that supposedly had positive consequences for the victim may come to think that the victim does not suffer and may believe that a larger percentage of children would find forced sex pleasurable (2001, p. 91).
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