Carthage Must Be Destroyed (74 page)

13
Tertullian
De Pallio
1.

14
Cicero
Agr
. 1.5. The cynical use of the curse story is highlighted by the fact that elsewhere Cicero actually appears to discount any threat of religious sanction (
Agr
. 2.51). Harrison (1984, 96–101) argues that, even if the tradition of the curse was true, its impact was very minimal in terms of subsequent Roman senatorial decisions made about Carthage. A restored Carthage a threat to Rome = Cicero
Agr
. 2.33.90.

15
See in particular the historian Sallust (Gaius Sallustianus),
Cat
. 10.1–3 and
Jug
. 41.2; Lintott 1972.

16
Wiedemann 1993, 54–6; Sallust
Jug
. 79.1. A later Christian writer, Orosius (4.23), described Carthage as the necessary whetstone on which Rome’s greatness could be kept sharp.

17
Piccaluga 1981; Freyburger 1986 for studies of
fides
during the Augustan period.

18
There is an extensive literature on the question of Augustan propaganda and the literary culture of the period. See Kennedy 1992; White 1991; Galinsky 1996 and more generally the essays in Woodman & West (eds.) 1984; A. Powell (ed.) 1992.

19
Clark 2007, 59. Atilius also vowed a temple to
Spes
(Hope).

20
Champion 2004, 163–6, 196–
contra
Walbank (1985, 168–73), who sees the ordering of the opinions as evidence of Polybius’ pro-Roman stance on this matter.

21
Polybius 36.9.9–11.

22
Livy
Epitome
18; Eutropius 2.25; Florus 1.18.23–6; Orosius 4.10.1; Dio 11.26; Zonaras 8.15. A major pointer to the later invention of the tale is that it is not mentioned by Polybius.

23
Diodorus 24.12; Clark 2007, 61–2.

24
The story first appears in the work of the Roman historian Sempronius Tuditanus, who wrote in the last decades of the second century BC.

25
Horace
Ode
3.5.41–52. For another hostile reference to the Punic threat and the challenge that it presented to traditional Roman virtue see Ovid
Fasti
6.241–6.

26
Livy, who started writing his great history of Rome from its foundation to his own times in around 29 BC, was certainly not a slavish admirer of Augustus. However, he did recognize that the self-proclaimed restorer of the Roman Republic probably constituted Rome’s best chance of lifting itself out of the morass into which it had fallen. On Livy’s complex attitudes towards Augustus see Mineo 2006, 112–17, 134–5.

27
G. Miles 1995, 76–94.

28
Ibid., 78–9.

29
Mineo 2006, 293–335, 102–11. In fact Livy traced this decline back to Marcellus flooding Rome with the riches looted from Syracuse in 212.

30
The battle for universal hegemony = Livy 29.17.6.

31
Ibid. 21.4.9.

32
Ibid. 22.6.11–12.

33
Ibid. 30.30.27. The actual expression
fides Punica
occurs for the first time in surviving Latin literature in Sallust
Jug
. 108.3. However, as we have seen, Punic faithlessness was a very old trope that is found in both Greek and early Latin literature.

34
Livy 21.6.3–4, 21.19; Mineo 2006, 275.

35
Levene 1993, 43–7. For an example of Hannibal’s temporary piety see Livy 21.21.9. For the impiety of Hannibal’s attack on Saguntum see ibid. 21.40.11. Carthage’s final defeat as divine retribution = ibid. 30.31.5, 30.42.20–21.

36
Cornelius Nepos
Hann
. 3.4.

37
Gransden 1976, 16. It was also surely no coincidence that in 29 BC Augustus should choose as his consular colleague Potitus Valerius Messalla, supposedly an ancestor of Potitius, chief priest of the Ara Maxima, and mentioned by Vergil in his rendering of the Cacus episode (
Aen
. 8.269, 281). See Galinsky 1966, 22, for the argument that the reference in the
Aeneid
to a saviour arriving in Rome may have referred equally to Hercules or to Augustus. For a discussion of the use that Vergil later makes of the Hercules and Cacus incident to display the monstrosity of civil war see Morgan 1998, 175–85; Lyne 1987, 28–35.

38
Pliny
NH
3.136–7.

39
Knapp 1986, 121–2.

40
Horace
Ode
4.4. Part of this association was also clearly mediated through the young Augustus’ close connection with Alexander the Great. As well as the clear borrowings from the Alexandrian iconography–especially in the earlier Augustan portraiture–it was said that such was his fascination with the Macedonian king that he had the corpse of Alexander embalmed and had his portrait on his signet ring (Suetonius
Aug
. 18.1.50; Zanker 1988, 145).

41
Horace
Ode
4.4.

42
Appian 8.20.136.

43
Carthaginians = Harrison 1984, 99. Veterans = Wightman 1980, 36. For Caesarian clemency see Clark 2007, 84–5. A temple to
Clementia Caesaris
had been built in Rome in 45 BC (Galinsky 1996, 82, 84).

44
Wightman (1980, 37–8) probably overstates the case for the progress made in terms of the Caesarian colony.

45
Certainly this was how some later Roman commentators perceived this initiative: see Dio 43.50.4–5.

46
Wightman 1980, 38–9.

47
Gros 1990.

48
Rakob 2000.

49
Hadrumetum in Africa was named ‘Concordia Iulia’, and Apamea in Bithynia ‘Colonia Iulia Concordia’ (Clark 2007, 251).

50
Although the late-antique literary commentator Servius would write that ‘the intention of Vergil is to imitate Homer and praise Augustus through his ancestors’ (Servius
Aen
. 1, proem), Vergil’s relationship with the regime that he wrote under was clearly more complex than that. For a critique of viewing Vergil as an Augustan propagandist see Thomas 2001, 25–54.

51
Morgan 1998, 181–2.

52
Vergil
Aen
. 1.12–19.

53
Feeney 1991, 131. The Punic wars are heavily alluded to but rarely directly mentioned in the
Aeneid
. One important exception is the procession of future Roman heroes which is pointed out to Aeneas in the underworld, which includes Cato, the Scipios, Fabius Cunctator and Marcellus (Vergil
Aen
. 6.841–859).

54
Vergil
Aen
. 4.96–9.

55
Ibid. 4.259–63.

56
Ibid. 4.230–36. Teucer, a legendary archer, fought alongside his more famous half-brother Ajax in the Trojan War. Ascanius, the son of Aeneas, was the first king of Alba Longa, the forerunner of Rome. Ausonia was a region of southern Italy

57
Ibid. 4.622–9.

58
Ibid. 12.826–8; Feeney 1991, 146–9.

59
Vergil
Aen
. 1.421–9.

60
Feeney 1991, 101–2; Harrison 1984, 96, for the dangers of seeing this piece as an accurate description of the Augustan settlement.

61
Vergil
Aen
. 4.305–10.

62
Starks 1999, 274–6.

63
Ibid. 267–71.

64
KAI
120; Adams 2003, 222; Birley 1988, 9–10. The same process can also be seen on the coinage that these cities produced during this period (Adams 2003, 207–9). For the same process in the Numidian city of Thugga see Rives 1995.

65
For the strong Punic influence on the region around Gades in the first and second centuries AD see Fear 1996, 225–50. On Sardinia see Van Dommelen 1998, 174–7. Africa = Millar 1968.

66
On Punic language see Jongeling & Kerr, 2005; Adams 2003, 209–30. On the suffetes see Lancel 1995, 430–31; Van Dommelen 1998, 174; Birley 1988, 16. Religious continuities = Lancel 1995, 432–6.

67
Van Dommelen 1998. It has even been recently argued that Pomponius Mela, the author of
De Chorographia
, a geographical work written in the first half of the first century BC, may have been of Hispano-Punic descent, and that his work was aimed at a population that was still heavily imbued with Punic culture, being designed as a reaction against the prevailing Romano-Greek mapping of the world (Batty 2000).

68
On the rise of Leptis Magna see Birley 1988, 8–22.

69
Silius Italicus
Pun
. 2.149–270, 4.4.72, 11.136ff., 2.475, 9.287–301; Rawlings 2005, 153–5.

70
Statius
Silv
. 4.6. See also Martial
Epigr
. 9.43 for similar speculations about Hannibal and the statuette.

71
Statius
Silv
. 4.5.45–6.

72
Birley 1988, 89–107.

73
Tzetzes
Chil
. 1.798–805; Birley 1988, 142.

74
R. Miles 2003.

75
‘Hannibalianus 2’, in Jones, Martindale & Morris 1971, 407.

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