Delphi (50 page)

9
. For further discussion, see Osborne 2009: 153–95.

10
. See Morgan 1990: 155–61, 184–85.

11
. Rejecting all accounts: e.g., Fontenrose 1978. Here, I have followed the list of fake and historical oracles in Morgan 1990: 186–90. Examples of “fakes”: involvement of the Delphic oracle in encouraging the Dorian invasion of Greece, and the Ionian migration: see Parke and Wormell 1956a: 55–57. Also consultations that link the oracle to authorizing the beginning of the Olympic games (Parke and Wormell
485
;
486
); the city of Aegion asking who were the better Greeks and being told that they were not in the reckoning (Parke and Wormell
1
). Plut.
Mor.
492A–B claims that the Thessalians consulted a “lot” oracle at Delphi when choosing Aleuas the Red as king.

12
. In terms of individual consultations, the first more reliable consultation is that of Archilochus, the poet from Paros in the seventh century
BC
on the issue of his prospects for begetting children, and, later on, about what to do during hard financial times: Parke and Wormell
231, 232;
Parke and Wormell 1956a: 396.

13
. Parke and Wormell
29, 21, 217–21.

14
. Tyrtaeus frag. 5 (West) repeated in Plut.
Vit. Lyc.
6, and Diod. Sic. 7.12.5.

15
. Process, oaths, land: Parke and Wormell
222, 539, 561.
Warning: Parke and Wormell
222

16
. Commencement: Parke and Wormell
296.
Improve fortunes: Parke and Wormell
363, 297, 299.

17
. Maximize chances: Parke and Wormell
365.
Conduct during war: Parke and Wormell
364
: it is ironic here that the oracle is supposed to have told Sparta to use trickery to take Messenia and to have warned the Messenians to beware Spartan trickery! Salvation: Parke and Wormell
298, 366, 367.

18
. The oracle advised them to bring the bones of Orestes back to Sparta: Parke and Wormell
32, 33.

19
. Lion and eagle oracle: Parke and Wormell
7.
Aetion oracle: Parke and Wormell
6.
Oracle to Cypselus: Parke and Wormell
8.

20
. Parke and Wormell
12.
For discussion of this early involvement between Athens and Delphi: Daux 1940: 40–41.

21
. Parke and Wormell
51.
In addition, by the mid-sixth century
BC
, literary sources relate that Gyges also asked the oracle who was the happiest man alive (expecting to be told himself) and instead was told it was an Arcadian, Aglaus of Psophis: Parke and Wormell
244;
Parke and Wormell 1956a: 384–85. For a recent discussion of Delphi's relationship with the east: Wörrle 2000.

22
. Parke and Wormell
50.
See Paus. 10.16.1–2. Strabo is the only ancient source to mention the construction of a treasury by Gyges at Delphi (Scott
4
).

23
. See discussion in Morgan 1990: 172–82.

24
. Parke and Wormell 1956a: 115, Londey 1990.

25
. See Parke and Wormell's characterization of the oracle as “opportunistic,” especially in political issues (as opposed to more impartial or conservative in religious issues): Parke and Wormell 1956a: 418.

26
. Malkin 1989: 150.

27
. Parke and Wormell
370, 371, 384
. For discussion of the Lelantine War, see Forrest 1957: 160–64, Salmon 1984: 67–70, Morgan 1990: 167–68.

28
. See Osborne 1998, Osborne 2009: 122. For a recent discussion of colonization, and ways of approaching the relationship between colony and mother-city, see Scott 2012.

29
. Ephesus: Parke and Wormell
234.
Aegae: Parke and Wormell
225.
Gela: Parke and Wormell
410, 3.
Pausanias on Archias of Corinth: Parke and Wormell
2.
Strabo on Croton and Syracuse: Parke and Wormell
229.

30
. Thera: Parke and Wormell
37, 38, 40
(believed by the Therans); Battus: Parke and Wormell
39.
See also Parke and Wormell
41.

31
. Other literary sources: Pind.
Pyth.
4.9; Diod. Sic. (Parke and Wormell
71
); Paus. 10.15.7. Inscriptional evidence:
SEG
9.72 (Sacred laws: Parke and Wormell
280
); Meiggs and Lewis 1988: No. 5 (granting citizenship to Therans on basis of original agreement at time of colonial foundation).

32
. Parke and Wormell
46, 47, 525, 526, 568.

33
. Morgan 1990: 176. Yet for recent arguments for the lack of desire for a relationship between the colony and Delphi (as opposed to the desire for such a relationship on the part of the mother city), see: Davies 2009, Jacquemin 2011.

34
. E.g., Thuc. 1.38.2 and 6.1.6 on the close relationship between Corinth and its colonies in the fifth century
BC
and on its willingness to provide military support on the basis of its role in their foundation.

35
. Defradas 1954.

36
. Forrest 1957, Snodgrass 1980: 120, Snodgrass 1986: 53–54. For the debate on where the stories of colonial consultations were shaped, see: Murray 2001: 31–34.

37
. See the review of previously scholarly opinion in Malkin 1987: 18–22.

38
. Parke and Wormell 1956a: 78, Malkin 1987: 7, 17–81, Morgan 1990: 171–78.

39
. Callinus of Ephesus: see Malkin 1987: 19. Dorieus of Sparta: Malkin 1987: 78–81, Morgan 1990: 171–78.

40
. Forrest 1957: 174. See Malkin 1987: 89–91, Osborne 2009: 193–94, Aurigny 2011. For the later take-up of Delphi as a place of crucial importance particularly for the development of identity among the western colonies after Phocaean intervention in the sixth century
BC
: d'Agostino 2000: 82–85. For a recent discussion on the importance of colonization for the identities of relevant communities, emphasizing the local emergence of Delphic colonial oracular consultation stories rather than their development at Delphi: Giangiulio 2010. For a very different view, emphasizing the lack of connection between Apollo Pythios and colonial foundations involving the oracle (as opposed to the stress put on Apollo by the mother city), see: Davies 2009, Jacquemin 2011.

41
. In Addition, Parke and Wormell argue for the oracle establishing something of a moral code by this time: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 382–84. Despite its religious conservatism, the oracle by this time seems also to have been responsible for directing the foundation of the Apollo Pythios cult in other places (like Athens: Parke and Wormell
541
); regulating the occasion of sacrifice for other divinities (Aphrodite around Attica: Parke and Wormell
212
); and even authorizing the worship of new divinities to the Epidaurians: Damia and Auxesis: Parke and Wormell
10, 11.

42
. Le Roy 1967: 21–28, Morgan 1990: 132. See de La Coste-Messelière 1936, Dinsmoor 1950. For the latest excavation, and suggestion of an early sixth century date: Luce 1992: 704, Luce 2008: 95–117. There is also evidence for an early temple in the Athena sanctuary at roughly the same time, although its dimensions and form are uncertain: Demangel and Daux 1923: 38–39. Some scholars have seen a Corinthian influence in the design of this early temple: Østby 2000: 241.

43
. Luce 1992: 697, 700–701, Luce 2008: 51–60, 61–78.

44
. Morgan 1990: 16, 137, 183.

45
. Scott 2010: 45.

46
. Luce 2008: 412.

47
. Thessaly may have offered a life-size statue at Delphi in the first half of the seventh century (Paus. 10.16.8): Jacquemin
333
; Scott
1
. Cypselus's treasury: Scott
2
; Jacquemin
124.
It was in Cypselus's treasury that the offerings of King Gyges of Lydia were kept.

48
. Jacquemin 1999: 32, Scott 2010: 42.

49
. Items found include a bronze horse from northern Greece in the Corycian cave 700–650
BC
, rings and buttons near the Athena sanctuary from the Balkans. For Olympia finds: Kilian-Dirlmeier 1985, Luce 2008: 413–15.

50
. Vatin 1977, Luce 2008: 411–26, Scott 2010: 41–45. For discussion of their identification as Cleobis and Biton: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 378–80.

51
. See Pouilloux 1976, Lerat 1980: 102.

52
. Luce 2008: 418. Pind.,
Pyth.
5, talks of a “treasury of the Cretans,” which has never been found and was increasingly thought to have been made up. But the collected nature of their offerings in the eighth and seventh centuries
BC
may possibly open the debate again over the existence of some kind of early treasury structure: Roux 1962, Jacquemin 1999: 289. For further discussion of Cretans at Delphi: Perdrizet 1908: 2, Guarducci 1946.

53
. Scott
10.
For discussion, see Courby 1927: 186–87, de La Coste-Messelière 1936: 63–78, Bommelaer 1991: 229.

54
. See Luce 2008: 429–36. Equally note the convergence between the oracle's minimal role in new foundations around the Black Sea and the lack of offerings from that area.

55
. No Cretan tripods at Olympia: Rolley 1977: 103. Indeed at Olympia, Cretan weapons appear that seem to have been dedicated by Crete's enemies. Delphi may have been the sanctuary for Cretans to dedicate in, Olympia for its enemies: Rolley 1977: 146. As well, Sparta seems to have dedicated more often at Olympia in the seventh century than at Delphi, despite its close relationship with the oracle: Picard 1991: 161. For more on the differences between Olympia and Delphi down to the seventh century
BC
, see Morgan 1990. For the archaic and classical periods, see Scott 2010.

56
. See Roux 1979: 3, Morgan 1990: 185, Luce 2008: 434. Unless you count a story in Plut.
Mor.
492A–B that the Thessalians used an early form of lot oracle at Delphi when selecting their King Aleuas the Red (and even then it is noticeable that it is not the Pythian oracle they are interacting with). Pausanias also later claimed the first monumental dedication at Delphi was from Larissa in Thessaly
in the late eighth century
BC
(Paus. 10.16.8; Jacquemin
333
; Scott
1
), but this may have been dedicated only in the sixth century
BC
: Jacquemin 1999: 51.

CHAPTER 4. REBIRTH

1
. Crisa was powerful enough for the sea gulf to the south to have been known as the Crisaean Gulf (Thuc. 1.107.3). Strabo (6.1.15) believed Crisa had also established a colony at Metapontum in southern Italy. Where was Crisa? It has never been identified archaeologically: some suggest it's the settlement of Moulki on the plain near the coast (see
map 3
): Morgan 1990: 136. See also Dor, Jannoray, van Effenterre, and van Effenterre 1960. Crisa as the town hampering Delphi should not be confused with Cirrha (although the name is sometimes used in the ancient sources for Crisa), which was the port town where ancient pilgrims arrived en route to Delphi throughout its history, or with the name Castri which was given to the modern village built on top of Delphi in the medieval period after Delphi's abandonment in the seventh century
AD
. See Rousset 2002b: 218.

2
. Oracle response: Aeschin.
In Ctes.
3.108 (Parke and Wormell
17
). See also the version in Diod. Sic. 9.16 (Parke and Wormell
18
). Length of war: Callisthenes
FGrHist
124 f1. Leaders of expedition: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 103. Introduction of hellebore: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 104–105.

3
. For a recent résumé of the details, along with discussion of the existence of an earlier festival at Delphi, which the Pythian games superseded: Weir 2004: 11–16.

4
. Robertson 1978. For previous scholarly discussion of the war, see in particular Forrest 1956. See also Jannoray 1937, Sordi 1953, Defradas 1954. The surviving evidence for the war is best catalogued in Davies 1994. See “the fantasy of the Crisa war cannot be exorcised, instead it will continue to haunt the dreams of historians”: Càssola 1980: 422.

5
. Although some have argued for involvement of the Amphictyony from the mid-seventh century
BC
: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 103.

6
. See Mosshammer 1982. Pausanias (10.7.2–5) also reports that the oldest competition was for the singing of hymns to Apollo, with harp, flute, and athletic competitions added in 586
BC
.

7
. See Strabo 9.3.10; Paus. 10.7.2. For discussion of the difficulties in ascertaining the origins and precise development of the games from the ancient sources: Morgan 1990: 136. Davies in particular argues that the origins of Delphi's local games were later elaborated in order not only to compete with, but also to ally the
increasing number of polis and sanctuary games in the first half of the sixth century
BC
, and particularly those of the periodos circuit: Olympia, Delphi, Isthmia, and Nemea: Davies 2007: 56–65.

8
. See McInerney 1999. Indeed McInerney argues that the Sacred War may have been provoked by Delphi as part of an intentional land grab: McInerney 1999: 105. See Rousset 2002a: 281.

9
. Bandit stories: Robertson 1978: 44. Change in favoritism of the oracle: See Forrest 1956. Cretan influence: Guarducci 1946, Davies 1994: 204. Heracles and tripod images: Parke and Boardman 1957.

10
. First perimeter wall: Luce 1992: 694, Luce 2008: 79–81, Bommelaer 2011: 14–19. Temple dated to same period: Luce 2008: 98–104. Major elaboration of the roof in 575
BC
of a preexisting temple: Billot 1977, Jacquemin 1999: 30, 222.