Delphi (53 page)

14
. For the various versions of Neoptolemos's death and their discrepancies, see Parke and Wormell 1956a: 315–18. The Aenianes at Delphi: Paus. 10.24.4, 6. The cult tomb of Neoptolemus at Delphi: Pouilloux and Roux 1963: 102–23, Pouilloux 1984. Neoptolemus fighting to protect Delphi: Roux 1976: 197.

15
. The oracle was involved in this period in setting up honors for historical individuals, such as Orrhippus of Megara, the athlete who had been the first to run naked at the Olympics (720
BC
). His tomb in his home city carried an inscription saying the monument had been set up with Delphic approval: Parke and Wormell
89.
Several other such instances of Delphic involvement with the establishment of honors are known: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 352–57.

16
. Parke and Wormell
114
.

17
. Parke and Wormell
113
: the sources also explain this consultation as the Athenians seeking relief from plague. The oracle was also involved c. 460
BC
in the affairs of the Praxiergidae, an Attic
genos
:
IG
I
³
7.

18
. Vogt 1998, Bowden 2005: 52–56.

19
. See “even if the practical influence of the Pythia in Greek politics had begun to wane, the accumulated fame of Delphi had a momentum which carried it triumphantly through the 5th century
BC
”: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 180.

20
. Bousquet 1943, Colonna 1984, Jacquemin 1999: 121–22. The dedication in this case was associated with an oracular consultation that had guided them to victory: Parke and Wormell
128.

21
. Jacquemin 1999: 192–93.

22
. New layout of the north section of the sanctuary at this time: Pouilloux 1960, Bommelaer 1992b. Pausanias's description of the paintings: Paus. 10.25.1–29. For discussion: Kebric 1983. For discussion of the lesche: Pouilloux 1960: 123, Scott 2010: 94.

23
. Treasury in Athena sanctuary: Amandry 1984b: 191. Stoa: for dating see Walsh 1986. For discussion of purpose: Kuhn 1985, Hansen 1989. Athenian palm tree and Athena: Amandry 1954: 300, Miller 1997: 39. New statue group at entrance to sanctuary: Jacquemin 1999: 190–91. This collection was added to with monuments also from individual Athenians: a horse statue, for example, from the Athenian general Callias: Scott 2010: 96. At the Corycian cave, too, there was a massive influx of Athenian pottery in this period, making up 50 percent of the material found there: Luce 2008: 413. For a recent study of worship and dedication at the cave in the period 500–450
BC
: Volioti 2011.

24
. Parke and Wormell 1956a: 184.

25
. Parke and Wormell
121
and
154.
Why did the Amphictyony allow such domination, or were they powerless to prevent it? For discussion of the Amphictyony in the fifth century
BC
, including the possibility that it was largely inactive: Bowden 2003. For the assertion that the Amphictyony continued to be active: Daux 1975, Sanchez 2001: 27, 80–110. It is curious, that, at some point around the mid-fifth century, we know from surviving inscriptions that Athens actually made an alliance with the Amphictyony, as if they were another city-state:
IG
I
³
9; Roux 1979: 45.

26
. “Spartan” approach to monument building: Thuc. 1.10; Cartledge 2002: 194, Low 2006. Spartan action at Delphi: Thuc. 1.112.5.

27
. Hdt. 1.51–53; Prontera 1981: 256.

28
. Parke and Wormell 1956a: 186.

29
. The Apollo “Sitalcas” statue, standing fifteen and a half meters high: Diod. Sic. 16.33.1; Paus. 10.15.1–2. Its date of dedication is, however, disputed. For its dedication now in the fifth century
BC
: Jacquemin 1999: 15, 47. For its dedication in the fourth century
BC
: Bommelaer 1991: 187.

30
. This monument is associated with Thessalian victory over Athens at the battle of Tanagra (Thuc. 1.107): Daux 1958a.

31
. Scott 2010: 101. Gaia and Themis statues: de La Coste-Messelière and Flacelière 1930.

32
. Thurii: Parke and Wormell
131, 132;
Schol Ar.
Nub
. 332. Amphipolis: Thuc. 4.102; Polyaenus
Strat.
6.53; Parke and Wormell
133
; Malkin 1987: 81–84.

33
. Religious officials:
IG
I
³
131.9–11 and
IG
I
³
137.3–5; First Fruits decree:
IG
I
³
78; Plut.
Mor.
408C; Plut.
Vit. Nic.
13.5–6; Hdt. 5.63.1, 5.66.2–3; Thuc. 5.16.2; Paus. 3.4.3–4; Mylonas 1961: 127, Cavanaugh 1996: 62. See Parke and Wormell
164, 165.

34
. Thuc. 1.25; Parke and Wormell
136
. See Parke and Wormell 1956a: 188, Parker 2000: 89.

35
. Bommelaer 1992a: 293, Scott 2010: 101–103.

36
. Des Courtils 1992: 244–51. For this idea that Delphi was an incubator, or laboratory, for sculptural styles and ideas (as well as a conservator of styles and ideas): Croissant 2000: 347.

37
. Thuc. 1.118; Parke and Wormell
137.

38
. Parke and Wormell 1956a: 190. Corinth suggests using Delphi to bankroll Sparta's campaigns: Thuc. 1.121.3, 1.143.1. A new Spartan base at Heraclea in Trachis banned to outsiders: Thuc. 3.92; Parke and Wormell
159
.

39
. Bribery by King Pleistonax of Sparta: Thuc. 5.16.2; Parke and Wormell
160.

40
. E.g., Eur.
Andr.
1085ff, 1161ff. Ar.
Eq.
197, 999. See also Soph.
OT
711.

41
. Fontenrose 1978: 95–117, Moret 1982, Shapiro 1996: 110–12, Bowden 2005: 59–60.

42
. Agreement of 423
BC
: Thuc. 4.118.1. Agreement of 421
BC
: Thuc. 5.18.2.

43
. Arcadia: Parke and Wormell
163.
Thasos and Neapolis: Thuc. 1.28.2.2; Pouilloux 1954: 178–92. Delian exiles: Thuc. 5.32.1; Parke and Wormell
161, 162;
Parker 2000: 95. Recovery from plague: Parke and Wormell
125
; Paus. 1.3.4; Bowden 2005: 111. Note that the oracle also advised Cleonae on how to save themselves from the plague in this period: Parke and Wormell
158.

44
. Traveling to Delphi through Boeotia territory: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 197–98. Aristophanes' lament: Ar.
Av.
188. Euripides: E.g., Eur.
Ion
369ff, 436ff, 859ff. See Dougherty 1996. See also the parody of Delphic oracles in Ar.
Vesp.
158–60;
Plut.
1–55.

45
. Possible consultation leading up to Sicilian expedition: Parke and Wormell
166
(Plut.
Mor.
403B). Supporting Sparta: Parke and Wormell
169
and
170.

46
. One possible dedication by an Athenian supporter (Corcyra) at this time: Scott 2010: 109. Spartan dedications: Bommelaer 1981: 22, Scott 2010: 104–108. For discussion of the problems of the archaeology of this area: Pouilloux and Roux 1963: 3–68.

47
. Plut.
Vit. Nic.
13.3. This was, according to Plutarch, dismissed at the time by the Athenians as a story invented by the Syracusans.

48
. Parker 2000: 93.

49
. Pl.
Chrm.
164e–165a; see Bowden 2005: 70. See the relation of these maxims to Socrates' claim that the oracle had told his pupil no one was wiser than Socrates, a response Socrates attributed to the fact that he knew nothing in comparison to most people who thought they knew it all: Parke and Wormell
134
(see also a later version:
420
). Pl.
Ap.
20e–21a; Xen.
Ap.
14. For the date of the pupil's consultation: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 402–404.

50
. Parke and Wormell 1956a: 387–89.

CHAPTER 7. RENEWAL

1
. Parke and Wormell 1956a: 404.

2
. Xen.
An.
3.1.5–7. Half-tithe of spoils: Xen.
An.
5.3.5. Note that Xenophon later described the oracle as an “advisor,” through which “we learn what we ought to do and what not” Xen.
Cyr.
1.6.46;
Mem.
1.4.15.

3
. The classicist Michael Arnush argues that a series of events from the Peloponnesian War through to Alexander the Great contributed to diminishing the importance of international political pilgrimage to the oracle specifically at Delphi (rather than oracles altogether): Arnush 2005: 105–106. Ceasing consultation over arbitration: Parker 2000: 89, 101, Arnush 2005: 105. Arbitration over Leuke: Parke and Wormell
178
. Even earlier end: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 188.

4
. King Agis:
FD
III 4 196; Diod. Sic. 15.54.1; Parke and Wormell 1956a: 203. Lysander: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 204–207.

5
. Julian.
Or.
5.159b (written c. 360
AD
); Parke and Wormell
572;
Parke and Wormell 1956a: 324, Bowden 2005: 205.

6
. Phaselis:
CID
I 8. Skiathos:
CID
I 13.

7
. Ascelpiads:
CID
I 11. Asclepiads of Cos and Cnidus highlighting their special honors:
CID
I 12. It was said that an Asclepiad from Cos was buried in the area of Delphi's hippodrome and had been involved in the Amphictyony's efforts to free Delphi from Crisa during the First Sacred War in the sixth century
BC
: Bousquet 1956: 579–93, Roux 1976: 197. Honors to individuals: the Athenian Callias claimed in the inscription accompanying his Pythian victory statue that he had secured a full spread of wins at all the periodos games—those of Olympia, Delphi, Isthmia, Nemea—even though the Olympic victory was actually achieved by another member of his family:
FD
III 1 510; Bousquet 1992. For Gorgias: Scott 2010: 111.

8
. Parke and Wormell 1956a: 209.

9
. Delphi population: Homolle 1926, Rousset 2002a. Population cramped into Delphi: Rousset 2002a: 50. Isolated and yet powerful: Rousset 2002a: 46.

10
. Paus. 10.23.9; Rousset 2002a: 205.

11
. Roux 1979: 70–77, Bommelaer 1991: 24.

12
. Delphi in Plato's ideal state: Pl.
Resp.
427b–c. It should be noted that Plato thus envisages a role for Delphi that is more religious than political, see Parker 2000: 82–85. Delphi in Plato's later work: Pl.
Leg.
759c6-d1, 759d1–e1, 828a1–5, 856d2–e3, 865a3–b2, 913d4–914a5. See Parke and Wormell 1956a: 405, Bowden 2005: 84–86.

13
. Labyadai:
CID
I 9 (fourth century
BC
Labyadai text);
CID
I 9bis (older Labyadai text). See also Rhodes and Osborne 2003: No. 1. Amphictyonic statement of responsibility for Pythian games:
CID
I 10 and
CID
IV 1. For discussion, see Roux 1979, Lefèvre 2002b: 5, 36. Number of other Amphictyonic laws:
CID
IV 2, 3, 4.

14
. Narrative of First Sacred War, see Davies 1994: 201. Dionysius of Syracuse: Diod. Sic. 15.13.1. Iphicrates: Diod. Sic. 16.57.2. Earthquake: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 214, Amandry and Hansen 2010: 147–51, Scott 2010: 114. Jason of Pherai: Xen.
Hell.
6.4.30 Parke and Wormell 1956a: 210–12.

15
. Later oracles: Parke and Wormell 1956a: 220. Oracles prophesying Spartan downfall at Leuctra: Parke and Wormell
254.
Wall rebuilding: Hansen 1960, Amandry 1981a: 691, Jacquemin 1991b. The massive polygonal terracing wall of the temple was probably also deformed as a result of the earthquake and rockslide: Amandry and Hansen 2010: 151.

16
. Amphictyony from the start: Roux 1979: 137–49, Lefèvre 1996: 121–26. Discussions pre-Leuctra whether Sparta should engage Thebes or play the Panhellenic “card” and lead the reconstruction at Delphi: Xen.
Hell.
6.4.2; at the peace conference in summer 371
BC
before Leuctra, participants decided to set up bureaucratic body, the naopoioi, to lead the reconstruction and a fund-raising scheme: Bourguet 1903: 9, Parke and Wormell 1956a: 214–16. See also Sordi 1957: 41–48, 67. Note that in 368
BC
, Dionysius of Syracuse wrote to Athens rather than Delphi asking how the temple rebuilding was progressing:
Syll
³
159; Rhodes and Osborne 2003: No. 33.

17
. Argive monument: Bommelaer 1971a, Bommelaer 1971b. For the monument, see also Salviat 1965. Dedications crumbling: Plut.
Mor.
397F.

18
. This dedication was perhaps the first monumental articulation of the new confederacy: Delphi had once again acted as a petri dish for the creation of identity: Scott 2008. The inscription:
FD
III 1 6. This is despite the fact that the actual role of the Arkadians at Leuctra was minimal at best. The Arkadians may have later decided to attach themselves to this victory as the clearest way of announcing the Confederacy's anti-Spartan credentials: Scott 2008.

19
. Theban treasury: Partida 2000: 196–98. Thessalian monument: Jacquemin 1999: 128.

20
. Jacquemin 1999: 220.

21
. The Theban general Epaminondas was later said to have received a warning from the oracle about how his life would end: Parke and Wormell
258
. As well, the Athenian general Callistratus consulted the oracle on his chance of returning from exile to Athens, but was killed following his return (later said to have been because he misunderstood the oracle's response): Parke and Wormell
259
.

22
. The Tarentines, Lipareans, and Corcyrians all reinscribed their dedications: Jacquemin 1999: 76, Scott 2010: 122. This was not only happening at Delphi. In
Athens, the Athenians chose to reinscribe the oath of Plataea at this point, which included the promise to dedicate a tithe of booty from those who had sided with the Persians during the Persian Wars (which included Thebes) at a time when Athens was vying with Thebes for supremacy in Greece: Rhodes and Osborne 2003: No. 88.21–51, Rhodes 2007.