Edge of Battle (6 page)

“I don’t report to any of those people, sir—I report to the President of the United States, same as you,” Jefferson said flatly. “The President requested my opinion on how to stop illegal immigration, not how to placate several dozen disparate political groups. That’s someone else’s job.”

“You’re wrong there, Sergeant Major—the political aspects of this office is
everyone’s
job, just like the military decisions made in this office affect the political landscape,” the President said. “Remember that.”

“Yes, sir, I will.” He scowled at Kinsly, who withered under his glare. “Anything else for me, sir?”

“I’m going to fly out to San Diego to attend the funerals of those Border Patrol agents killed last night,” the President said somberly. “I’ll meet with the directors of the Customs and Border Protection Service and the Immigration and Customs Enforcement Service afterward.”

“I’d like to go along and hear those briefings too, sir.”

“I thought you might. Approved.”

“Thank you, sir,” Jefferson said. “I’d like permission to bring along my own advisers as well.”

“Of course; bring anyone you need. Submit their names to Tom for clearances. Who do you have in mind?” But before Jefferson could respond, the President’s eyes widened, and he said, “Richter and Vega, I presume?”

“Implementing a major border security program with a division-sized task force will take time, sir,” Jefferson said. “I thought it would be prudent to try a smaller task force first. Task Force TALON is already formed; it already has a security and antiterrorist mission and full authorization to gain assets from any active or reserve units necessary; and they’re already located in the southwest.” Task Force TALON was a joint military and FBI counterterrorist strike team led by Ray Jefferson before he became the National Security Adviser; now Major Jason Richter and Dr.
Ariadna Vega, formerly of the Army Research Lab, were in charge. “I want to bring in an officer from the National Guard Bureau to listen in too.”

“I thought TALON was disbanded after the Chamberlain fiasco,” Kinsly said.

“Negative, sir,” Jefferson said. “TALON received additional funding from the Departments of Defense and Homeland Security under a secret emergency authorization. Since the Consortium attacks last year, TALON has grown to company size, about two hundred members. They have eight CID squads—sixteen CID units—plus one training and maintenance squad. They operate missions all over the world: they are still active in north and central Africa and Central Asia, hunting down Zakharov and other surviving members of the Consortium.”

Kinsly nodded. “I have to admit TALON is the pride and joy of the nation after what they did in San Francisco and Washington,” he said. “It’ll be a much easier sell to have TALON involved than just saying we’re militarizing the southern border.” But he turned to the President with a serious expression. “But we
are
militarizing the border—or that’s how it’s going to be perceived in the world, Mr. President. The United States has always prided itself on having unarmed borders. This will erase almost a century of cooperation and coexistence between us and the Mexican government, and it’s almost certain to raise criticism against us, charging bigotry, xenophobia, isolationism, even racism.”

“Before Nine-Eleven, Kingman City, San Francisco, and now these killings near Blythe, I would never consider doing it,” the President said. “Now, I have no choice—something has to be done, and right
now
.” He looked at both Kinsly and Jefferson. “But I want fresh ideas on the illegal immigration problem, gents,” he said. “I know what the Border Patrol wants: more money for more men and equipment. That’s one solution, but I want
new
ideas, better solutions.”

“I want to send Task Force TALON in ahead of our visit so they can give us a report after we hear from CBP and ICE, sir,”
Jefferson said. “That’ll give them a complete perspective on the situation along the borders.”

“That could be an invitation to disaster, Jefferson,” Kinsly said. “We don’t want any complaints from immigrant or human rights groups. Your task force can hunt down terrorists in the U.S., but they should be directed to keep their hands off any illegal immigrants they find. Let the Border Patrol and Immigration and Customs Enforcement do their jobs.”

“Ray?” the President prompted.

“They can act as observers only, unless they find anyone they consider to be terrorists,” Jefferson said. Kinsly’s expression showed his distrust, but he said nothing, giving tacit approval.

“Thank you, Sergeant Major,” the President said. “Anything else for me?”

“Yes, sir. May I ask what your outburst was about a few moments ago?”

The President smiled and nodded knowingly at Kinsly. “I tell you, Tom, that’s why I hired this guy: he says what’s on his mind.”

“I prefer to think of it as ‘curiosity killed the cat,’” Kinsly said drily.

“Did you happen to catch Bob O’Rourke’s radio show this morning, Sergeant Major?”

“No, sir.”

“But you’re familiar with his show?”

“I’ve heard the name, sir, but I don’t listen to talk radio or TV—in fact, I don’t watch much TV or listen to the radio at all. Never have.”

“Why is that?”

“I’ve got my own theories and ideas, sir, and they’re based on information and sources I know are accurate,” Jefferson replied. “Anything else is propaganda, disinformation, or entertainment.”

“O’Rourke’s radio show has ten million listeners a day on seven hundred stations around the world, plus satellite and shortwave—it’s even streamed live on the Internet,” Kinsly said. “He has an opinion column syndicated in a thousand newspapers around the
world. He’s one of the most popular and influential media types in the United States, probably the world.”

Not surprisingly, none of that seemed to impress Jefferson in the least. “Bob O’Rourke and all those radio commentators say what they say to shock or outrage their listeners,” he said. “I see no value in listening to him. If I want entertainment, I’ll visit the senior enlisted club at Fort Myers on payday.”

“Seems like a rather myopic and self-centered view of the world, Jefferson,” Kinsly said haughtily. “You pick and choose what you want to listen to and make decisions based on a limited perspective. Perhaps you need to broaden your exposure a bit more.”

“I serve as the National Security Adviser of the President of the United States, Mr. Kinsly,” Jefferson said, his voice becoming deeper and, both Kinsly and Conrad recognized, more menacing. “I have access to sources and data that I never even dreamed existed, even when I was the former National Security Adviser’s aide-de-camp. With the information at my fingertips now, why would I waste my time listening to a hack like Bob O’Rourke?”

“I listen to his show when I’m near a radio, Sergeant Major,” the President said with a smile. “Do you think I’m wasting my time?”

“Yes, sir, I do.”

Kinsly looked aghast, which quickly changed to rising anger. “Have a little respect for the office, Jefferson,” he said.

But the President only laughed. “That’s why I picked you for this job, Sergeant Major—I know you’ll give me a straight answer every time.”

“That’s my job, sir.”

“It may interest you to know that your proposal is almost precisely what O’Rourke talked about on his radio show this morning.”

The President thought he detected a very slight uptick of a corner of Jefferson’s mouth—which may or may not have been a
smile
. “Maybe this O’Rourke character has something on the ball after all.”

“Was that a
joke,
Sergeant Major?” the President asked with mock surprise.

“I’m a military man, sir,” Jefferson said, ignoring the sarcasm. “My perspective has always been and probably will always be from a military perspective”—he glared again at Kinsly before adding—“…
not
a political or entertainment one. Border security and illegal migration began as a societal and cultural problem, grew into an economic problem, and has now exploded into a national security problem. I’m sure there’s a political element in there too, but I don’t feel I’m qualified to handle that.”

The President raised a hand. “Message received loud and clear, Sergeant Major,” he said. “I hired you for one simple reason: I want straight talk and honest answers. I have no doubt that if we stray into an area that you can’t help me with, you’ll say so and not try to bullshit me.”

“Roger that, sir.”

“Good.” He nodded at the plan Jefferson had submitted and went on, “I’ll staff your proposal and present it to the congressional leadership for feedback, but after what happened down there in Blythe I’m ready to implement your plan immediately. Get everyone ready to go and I’ll give you the go-ahead as soon as possible.”

“Yes, sir.”

The President held up the order. “Have Secretary Lemke or his designee be in overall charge of the sergeant major’s Operation Rampart program, but we’ll put Task Force TALON in charge for now until the forces ramp up. Have Major Richter fly out with me to San Diego aboard
Air Force One
so we can talk, and afterward meet with the Border Patrol and other Homeland Security folks in southern California.

“Also, draft an executive order implementing Operation Rampart,” the President went on. “We will begin construction of the border security apparatus in four phases: California, Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas. Request an emergency appropriation for the first four years of the California portion of the system, to begin construction of the forward operating bases and procurement of
the unmanned aerial vehicles and support equipment immediately. The rest we’ll have to put through the normal budget process. The order will include federalization of the National Guard and Reserves and mobilization of the necessary active-duty personnel and equipment per the plan.” He turned to Jefferson. “Ray, whom do you recommend to oversee the operation?”

“Mr. President, I’ve nominated Brigadier General Ricardo Lopez, the national deputy director for the Army National Guard, for overall command of Rampart,” Jefferson replied. “I’ve received nothing but glowing endorsements from the Pentagon on his nomination, and I recommend his appointment wholeheartedly. I would also like to nominate the deputy director of Customs and Border Protection, Special Agent George Trujillo, to be deputy commander of Rampart. I think this combination of a military commander and a Border Patrol deputy brings the right mix of experience and places the proper emphasis on the mission. General Lopez will report directly to me.”

“Agreed,” the President said. “I want to speak with both men as soon as possible. Set it up, Thomas.”

“Yes, Mr. President,” Kinsly responded.

He looked at Jefferson. “Ray, you said this was a cultural problem that escalated into an economic and then a national security problem. What do you mean?”

“Sir, the basic problem with illegal immigration is much more than Mexicans freely crossing the border looking for work,” Jefferson replied. “It has to do with the perception—many Mexicans would say the ‘reality’—that the United States went to war with Mexico and took their land as a result of the Mexican-American War. In essence, the western half of the United States really belongs to Mexico.”

“Are you talking about the Texas Revolution, Jefferson,” Kinsly interjected, “as in the battle of the Alamo?”

“No, sir. The Mexican-American War was from 1846 to 1848,
following
the War of Texas Independence,” Jefferson replied. “The Mexican-American War was America’s first conflict fought outside its own borders. We accused Mexico of invading and oc
cupying the United States after the Texas Revolution and we went to war. We ended up with territory that makes up most of the states in the southwest United States—Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, Nevada, and California: the border states.”

“So Mexico thinks those states still belong to Mexico? That’s why they don’t see anything wrong with crossing our borders like they do?”

“Some Mexicans do claim that the border states still belong to Mexico, sir—historically, insurrections and guerrilla attacks have taken place to try to capture or force a state to secede, such as the attacks by Pancho Villa in the early 1900s,” Jefferson said. “Some firebrands in Mexico will never forget the American invasion of Veracruz by General Pershing during the punitive wars—it’s a million times worse than what many Iraqis feel about America going to war to force ‘regime change’ there.

“But the point is that the region is culturally and historically Hispanic, and it will always be so,” Jefferson went on. “The borders are artificial, arbitrary, and in most areas not even marked or in any way delineated—for many Mexicans there
is
no border, in every sense of the word. Most border towns look, sound, and feel more like Mexican towns than American. In addition, the Hispanic population is growing faster than the white population—Hispanics are no longer a minority in California, for example. Anti-immigrant activities will never be popular in that region.”

“This is very entertaining, Jefferson, but this is the twenty-first century, and all of that is practically ancient history,” Kinsly said. “Besides, if I’m not mistaken, we
paid
for the land we took in that war, did we not? We didn’t steal it—we
bought
it.”

“Most Mexican nationalists consider that blood money, sir—in any case, most of the money went back to the U.S. to pay war reparations,” Jefferson said. “Part of the problem in dealing with illegal immigration is the cultural undercurrent running through this region—any government activities against Mexicans will be seen as an attack against Mexican culture and heritage, not just against illegal migrants or terrorists.”

“I’m impressed, Sergeant Major,” the President said. “You exhibit quite a detailed knowledge of the history and origins of the problems down there.”

“Thank you, sir. I studied up on it as part of the planning process for Operation Rampart, and brushed up on it after learning about the attacks on the Border Patrol agents last night.”

“To
me,
you sound like that nutcase who makes those videotapes that air every now and then…what’s his name…?”